A G.W. Bush-Nazi Connection By Alex Constantine Even loyal conservatives must concede that George Bush, Jr. is a strange bird. Texans have never truly accepted him as one of their own. ³Like his father,² the UK¹s Observer noted in 1994, ³his home-grown credentials are questioned.² In general, the natives were somewhat uneasy about the occasional bizarre antic - like the fist day of the annual dove shoot, highlighted by Bush bagging a protected songbird instead (Ed Vulliamy, ³White Hot Mama fights a Texan Bush War,² Observer, October 2, 1994). ³No real Texan would have done that!² barked then Governor Ann Richards. But then the mid-90s the Texas political landscape shifted radically, the old order crumbled. Democrats had held the state since the Civil War, but the Christian Right Ultras had wrested control of the Republican Party, led by the state¹s Christian Coalition and Eagle Forum, and went on to demonstrate that any political machine is mutable, even in the deep South. But Bush didn¹t quite fit the ticket, some Texans felt. True, his business was oil. But shortly after George, Jr. joined the board of Harken Oil, BCCI, the international bank that parlayed middle eastern oil profits into political influence, engaged in child prostitution and armed Iraq, dropped a number of lucrative drilling contracts in his lap (Petzinger, Truell & Abramson, ³Family Ties,² Wall Street Journal, December 5, 1991, p. 1). Texans had to ponder the question: Why in tarnation was he in business with Shiek Khalifah bin-Salmon al-Khalifah, the ruling emir of Bahrain? In 1990, the Shiek¹s name surfaced on a list of primary shareholders in BCCI¹s parent company, BCCI Holdings in Luxembourg. He had pulled strings to throw the contracts to Harken. In return, Harken Oil helped BCCI investment bankers gain a footholod in the U.S. When the Iraqgate scandal broke, G.W. attempted to separate himself from it. blaming a former aide who had gone to work for BCCI and resigned when the press caught on. At the same time, it was clear that Junior had his eye fixed on his father¹s old eyrie in Washington. He had been one of his Bush, Sr.¹s leading advisors, a ³lead player,² the Wall Street Journal reported, ³in the campaign to oust White House Chief of Staff John Sununu² (Pertzinger, Truell & Abramson). The Journal looked into Bush¹s business dealings and found :a ³complex pattern² of provocative personal and financial ties, but Bush refused to respond to questions: ³George W. Bush, a managing partner of the Texas Rangers baseball team, declined to be interviewed,² but "he did provide brief responses to written questions through an intermediary.² Where was the bold Texas moralist with an aversion to ³even² the vaguest appearance of wrong-doing? In hiding? But still exploiting those personal and financial relationships, of course. On March, 1995, the regents of the University of Texas, at the behest of Governor Bush, invested $10 million with the Carlyle Group, a merchant bank in the District of Columbia. Carlyle was chaired by Frank Carlucci, Ronald Reagan¹s secretary of defense and, since 1989, ³a darling of the corporate sector,² per the L.A. Times. Carlucci is on the board of a slue of mega-corporations, including Bell Atlantic, Ashland Oil and the Kaman Corporation. Carlyle¹sds sole outside parner is the Mellon Family. Richard Darmon, economic advisor to Bush, Sr. was on the board. So did James Baker III, former secretary of state. The investments raised a ruckus in the business press. G.W. himself had long-standing business ties to Carlyle Group. In 1990, he was given a seat on the board by former Nixon aide Fred Malek, a Carlyle advisor (Joe Conason, ³Notes on a Native Son,² Harper¹s, February 2000, p. 49). Fred Malek, mind you, was the CREEP deputy director who, prompted by Nixon¹s trembling belief that ³a Jewish cabal² in the Bureau of Labor Statistics was bent on is destruction, made up a list of Jews in the bureay. Malek was made deputy director of the Republican National Committee by George Bush, Sr., an old friend. It was Malek who organized an ³ethnic coalition² of Nazis in August 1988, the Heritage Groups Council, that included the lies of Laszlo Pastor (a Hungarian-American and former fascist Arrowcross officer and junior diplomatic envoy to Berlin under Hitler), and Father Florian Galdau (a priest, Vatican P-2 member and New York leader of the Iron Guard, a latter day version of the old SS-run Romanian terror organization). Once again, the Bush family distanced themselves from scandal. They pled ignorance, even though Bush, Sr. had cherry-picked Malek for the job. Supposedly, he had fooled everyone, even the conservative National Jewish Coalition, which boasted In 1992 that ³Vice President Dan Quayle, HUD Secretary Jack Kemp, GOP Campaign Manager Fred Malek and a large number of key Senators, Congressmen and candidates for office addressed Jewish delegates and community leaders at a series of events hosted by the NJC during the Republican convention in Houston last month² (NJC Bulletin, September 1992). On February 2 1990 USA Today¹s Tom Squitieri wrote that "four key Republican activists, ousted from George Bush's 1988 campaign amid charges of anti-Semitic or pro-fascist links, are back working for the party." These included Fred Malek and Phil Guarino, another pro-Nazi P-2 member. George W. Bush ran spin control for his pop¹s 1988 presidential campaign, and when the Nazi scandal burst ever-so-briefly in the media, GW protected his father by urging the fascists to resign from the Heritage Council (Citizen¹s Law Web Site, http://www.citizenslaw.net/ bushdynasty_corrupt.htm). And from these humble beginnings the president-select to-be plied the American love affair with fascism into a lucrative political career. ‹‹‹‹ Alex Constantine's Political Conspiracy Research Bin: http://alexconstantine.50megs.com/ .
