-Caveat Lector-

[radtimes] # 188

An informally produced compendium of vital irregularities.

"We're living in rad times!"
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Contents:

--Mexican Army Steps Up Harassment in Chiapas
--A little bit of Che, a little bit of Posh
--Keeping the Rabble Outside the Gates
--Anti-Globalization Protests Begin Against Inter-American Bank In Chile
--Officials plan to shut off the park in May to thwart protesters
--Silencing Quebec
--Traditional Mohawks call for "Day of Rage" April 19th
--The Salsa Revolution
--European communications 'wide open' to interception


===================================================================

Mexican Army Steps Up Harassment in Chiapas

Renewed Military Harassment in Chiapas

Translation of Hermann Bellinghausen's La Jornada article from
March 16, 2001

[This is a direct translation performed by altavista.com - some of it is
badly translated, but it was important to get this out as soon as possible
to English-speaking audiences.]

Harassment and low-intensity warfare breaks out in Chiapas while Zapatista
command is in Mexico City.

With police support, Cattle ranchers seek to recover land lost to the
autonomous indigenous in 1994.

While the Zapatista march has traversed the national territory arriving in
Mexico's capitol, in the autonomous municipalities of Chiapas harassment
breaks out again on the part of the federal Army, Public Security and the
cattle ranchers in the region. According to autonomous municipalities and
information from diverse organizations in San Cristobal, the aerial and
terrestrial patrols have been increased in the communities during the last
week.

The most serious denunciations come from the autonomous municipalities
Che Guevara and San Pedro de Michoacan. Military flights and patrols have
returned to norm in Moise's Gandhi, La Realidad and other communities in
resistance, contradicting the order by president Vicente Fox that there
would be no more patrols in the conflict zone.

The autonomous council from the municipality Che Guevara denounced
that from February 24th the date when the Zapatista delegation departed
Chiapas, a military helicopter has engaged in grazing flights above
Moise's Gandhi, 800 meters away from Cuxulja', one of the four military
points withdrawn by president Vicente Fox (one of the seven that the EZLN
demanded dismantled and that the new government was committed to
withdrawal). During the 6th, 7th and 8th of March, these flights were
particularly obvious.

Che Guevara also reports an increase in the military patrols on the
international highway by the Cuxulja' crosstroads by the Public Security
Forces and the federal Army. The autonomous municipality say that
"the community does not like it, that the children whenever the helicopter
passes they think that the soldiers will come and that Vicente Fox has a
double edged speech, because while in Mexico City he says that everything
is calm yet, the harassment in the communities has not stopped".

AGRARIAN CONFLICTS RESURFACE

In addition, it seemed that there are those that are trying to take
advantage of the absence the delegates and Zapatista command, and
the distraction on the local level and the national news. The settlers in
Moise's Gandhi refer "another thing that does not calm them" is that the
Chiapas governor "wants to solve the agrarian problems but he is doing it
through the leaders of the ORCAO and this generates serious problems"
with the EZLN support bases and farmers of other organizations. "The
government hopes to distract people because now, is the moment for
recognizing the indigenous rights and cultures", the secretary of Agrarian
Reform and the organization shakes waters with hurried negotiations.

Base de Operaciones de Guadalupe Tepeyac has resumed their tasks of
patrolling and pressure on the tojolabales communities of San Pedro de
Michoacan, particularly the Reality. The aerial patrolling, suspended
from 1 of December last, is of return, as if nothing.

This climate seems to animate to a group of cattle dealers who try
"to recover" the earth that from 1994 were occupied by the natives of the
forest, and by which the federal government already compensated the
previous proprietors. As one will remember, these cattle dealers when
coming out showed belligerence in the previous days of the delegation of
the EZLN, that is in the city of Mexico. Now, according to denunciation
independent municipality 17 of November, the cattle dealers and small
proprietors make meetings and try to organize aggressions against the
calls New Centers of Population, and even for " placing in ambush " the
delegation of the command of the EZLN, when this one returns to Chiapas.
In one of these "conclaves", carried out the 25 of February in Altamirano,
quotas were collected "to pay to a gunner, that will attack the commanders".

According to the same source, these meetings "are protected" with
continuous patrollings of Public Security, and in them also indigenous
PRI-istas participate that have been tied previously to the paramilitary
group MIRA.

U.S. JOURNALIST HOME IN SAN CRISTOBAL RANSACKED

The house of journalist Tim Russo in San Cristobal de las Casas "was
ransacked" by strangers who destroyed, threw to the ground photos,
negatives and books, and painted above his bed: "fucking foreign press".
According to the neighbors, the house "had been watched" by civilian
dressed men for several days. Russo, correspondent in Mexico for a US
agency KGNU Public Radio in Colorado, is in the Mexico City covering the
indigenous march. The Fray Bartolome Human rights Center went in the
evening to the sacked house, and will present the result its investigations.

The hostility against the rebellious communities, in as much, reaches
scandalous proportions. The 26 of February, when the Zapatistas bases of
support returned to their communities, after dismissing the delegates in
San Cristobal of the Houses, "saw a gray light truck, with boards 6721,
in the cruise that goes to the community of the Lagoon, halfway between
Altamirano and the ejido Morelia, seat of Aguascalientes IV. When the
farmers happened, three men descended from the light truck, one of them
armed, who gave 20 shots to the air".

The autonomous locals think that it is the same people who have themselves
been reuniting in Altamirano, that she looks for to create a fear climate
and threatens. Simultaneously, the PRI-istas of Morelia now maintain a
constant radio communications with the military quarter of Altamirano.

The Cuauhtemoc community, of the same municipality, denunciation that,
also from the exit of the Zapatistas delegates, continuous patrollings
suffer of Public Security, the federal Army and agents of Migration. The
patrollings had not stopped, in spite of the declared thing by the Foxista
government, but now the number of military vehicles was increased from two
to ten, and hourly a particular vehicle with agents of Migration journeys
by the community on board. To this, the natives add that "the Public
Security makes the practical military every day".

The autonomous council of 17 of November also denounced that the SPE
introduced in the town the Mendoza to rob laminae destined to the school.
They took "to be constructed them houses in its quarter". The police
have been robbing wood of the community. "In addition, every day they
pass loaded trucks of illegal wood, that pay 'mordida' [bribe] in the
position of control of the Public Security, and they take the goods
without problem".

The independent municipality First of January indicates that from the
last week the military population in the quarter of Tonina', seat of the
31 Military Zone, has been increased considerably. The community of
Jerusalem, neighbor to this quarter, denounced that the military movements
increased after the exit of the Zapatista delegation. The overflights of
helicopters are frequent and the military vehicles carry a red flag,
"in alert signal, we do not know of what".

The independent municipality Olga Isabel, located in the area of Chilo'n,
also reports daily military patrollings and a constant and aggressive
activity of the detachments of the SPE between Bachajo'n, Chilo'n and
other communities. And here also they denounce continuous aerial
harassment.

Finally, the authorities of the independent municipality Miguel Hidalgo
reported the passage of 69 loaded trucks of the federal Army of troops in
the direction of Comitan, "which demonstrates that the Army does not
think to leave Chiapas", according to the natives.

===================================================================

A little bit of Che, a little bit of Posh

<http://www.consider.net/forum_new.php3?newTemplate=OpenObject&newTop=200103190008&newDisplayURN=200103190008>


by John Carlin
Monday 19th March 2001

Hailed by the left as Mexico's liberators, are Marcos and his Zapatistas
simply clever marketing men?

In the age of the almost - but not quite - smart bomb, of world leaders who
hatch schemes to render us immune from nuclear attack, of battles waged not
by soldiers but computer hackers, Subcomandante Marcos is way ahead of the
game. Bloodless war is the dream of the masters of the 21st-century
universe but, from a rudimentary base deep in the jungle of southern
Mexico, the purportedly "military" commander of an outfit that grandly
calls itself the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) has already
beaten everyone to it.
Whether it was Marcos's original intention or not, he has patented a style
of warfare beyond the imagination of Sun Tzu, Che Guevera or Stormin'
Norman Schwarzkopf. Marcos is a virtual guerrilla commander, the EZLN is an
imaginary guerrilla army and the wonder of it all, oh brave new world, is
that it works. The message gets across.
Marcos, born Rafael Guillen (son of a comfortably-off furniture
shop-owner), pretends that he is a reincarnation of el Che, makes believe
that he heads vast infantries of Indian insurgents - and the rest of the
world goes along with him.  The upshot is that, in the end, he has achieved
quite as much as most conventional guerrilla armies have done in Latin
America, and the world over - that is to say, his political objectives of
winning hearts and minds. And he did so without resorting to the dreadful
bloodletting - and general hard work, sacrifice and grief - that had
previously been considered indispensable to achieve the twin goals of
mobilising the masses and intimidating the enemy.
Marcos's "war" lasted precisely 12 days. It began on 1 January 1994 with
the takeover of a picturesque mountain town that never knew what hit it;
and it was over by the middle of the month. Some 200 people were killed,
most of them ill-trained, ill-advised Native Americans (or "Indians"), some
of whom Marcos sent into battle against the Mexican army carrying
make-believe rifles made of wood. In conventional terms, the EZLN has
proved to be the most incompetent guerrilla movement in Latin American history.
Since then, Marcos has not ordered one attack in more than seven years, but
consider what has happened. The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI),
the brilliantly corrupt apparatus that ran Mexico from 1929 to the very end
of the 20th century and beyond, has fallen. Which is not exclusively down
to Marcos. But by alerting people to the plight of the sector of society
most neglected and abused by the PRI machine - Mexico's ten million Indians
- and by generally making the sort of noises that helped raise the
population's outrage levels, he contributed to the creation of the national
mood necessary to prod the cunning old tyrants out of office. If the PRI
chose not to rig the vote on this occasion, it was probably in part because
its leaders feared that someone might take Marcos's revolutionary rhetoric
at its word. Better to bow out, with money safely in the bank, than to be
hung, drawn and quartered.
People will debate about the degree to which Marcos contributed to the
PRI's downfall. But since the matter is not susceptible to scientific
measurement, the argument will never be resolved. So let us look at his
most tangible success, the culmination of his seven-year looking-glass war:
the march he has just completed from Chiapas, the southern state where he
has staged his crusade, to Mexico City, complete with his address from the
gates of the National Palace before a crowd of 100,000 people
OK. It was not quite the march that was advertised. It was a bus ride. A
road show. The "Zapatour", as the Mexican press called it. Like everything
Marcos has done of any note, it was an extravaganza that had more in common
with the Spice Girls or Man United FC than with the exploits of Fidel's
barbudos, the bearded ones, in the Sierra Maestra.
It was, actually, the wildest buffoonery. An extraordinary pantomime. But
he prepared his stage brilliantly and, when the time came to put on the
show, the whole world wanted to watch.
Here you have a white-skinned, left-wing intellectual who claims to be the
leader of Mexico's impoverished Indians, a profoundly conservative people
whose misfortunes started when the white-skinned left-wing intellectual's
Spanish forebears arrived in town 500 years ago. This descendant of the
conquistadors then sends a few dozen Indians to be killed in an unfair
contest, summons the world's press to his mountain hide-out, issues endless
communiques on the World Wide Web (his favoured terrain of struggle) and
declares himself to be waging a guerrilla war not only against the
oppression of the Mayan Indians of Chiapas, but against neoliberalism and
globalisation - against capitalism itself.
Which in turn extends his constituency to every corner of the globe,
especially those corners of Mediterranean Europe inhabited by the diehard
nostalgic left. French, Italian and Spanish intellectuals make pilgrimages
to see Mexico's answer to Robin Hood. They marvel at his wise words; thrill
to his masked Zorro get-up, his Sherlock Holmes pipe; gasp at the savage
nobility of his native followers; put on T-shirts that read "I am an Indian
too"; and return home with the proselytising zeal of an army of Saint Pauls.
The triumphant final act, the march on the capital, took place a couple of
weeks ago. Marcos emerged from his jungle hide-out sporting a ski mask, a
cap kept in place by a set of headphones, camouflage trousers and a pipe;
he boarded a bus - equipped with video screen and laptop computers and
mobile phones - which took him, under police protection, to the Mexican
capital. Here he proceeded, without hindrance of any sort, to address a
rally outside the National Palace. Among the admiring throng was a host of
international camp followers which included 200 Italian anarchists in white
jump-suits, gay and lesbian groups, and Danielle Mitterrand.
Marvellous to behold was the complicity of the declared "enemy" in all
this. Rarely in the history of human conflict can a government have
extended such largesse to a self-proclaimed "insurgent" leader. And yet,
there was Subcomandante Marcos in his address outside the National Palace
declaring - whether unblushingly or not, we will never know - that he had
stormed the capital "to shout for democracy and liberty".
What next? Well, President Vicente Fox, Mexico's first democratic leader,
has indicated that he is prepared to succumb to two of Marcos's three
demands: to release the hundred or so Zapatista prisoners and to withdraw
troops from Chiapas. Which is the sort of thing the IRA, to name but one
conventional "liberation army", spent decades of real-life slaughter to
achieve.
The third requirement is that the Congress approve a Bill of Rights
granting Mexico's Indians a high measure of autonomous rule. Fox, a canny
former Coca-Cola executive, says he is right behind Marcos on all three
points, but will have to await the pleasure of the Congress to see if the
bill goes through. If it does, it will entrench Indians' rights to rule
their territories according to ancient "custom and practice".
What does that mean? Maybe it means the Indians will be less exploited.
Correction: that Indian men will be less exploited. Marcos's bill would
entrench a tradition where fathers sell their daughters to prospective
husbands; where rape is unexceptional and rarely punished; where, as a
glance around any Indian community in Chiapas will reveal, all the men wear
shoes, while almost all of the women - who do almost all of the work - go
barefoot.
It remains to be seen whether a Bill of Rights will do a great deal more
than appease the multiculturalist zeal of the worldwide Zapatista brigades,
or do anything substantially to address the excruciating poverty of the
Indian population.
No matter. Such details are not of paramount importance in Marcos's
virtual-reality wonderland. He has achieved a triumph of marketing, the
likes of which the neoliberal globalists he denounces can only admire.
Turning the enemies' weapons brilliantly on themselves, he has identified
his consumers, tailored his message to their needs and, with minimum
investment, sold his product around the globe. Whether the product will
have a more beneficial impact on mankind than the Spice Girls or MUFC,
well, that is another matter altogether.
-------
The author, a former correspondent in Mexico for the Independent, now
writes for the Spanish newspaper, El Pais

===================================================================

Keeping the Rabble Outside the Gates

A Security Bulwark Is Erected Around Quebec Talks On Trade

by Colin Nickerson, Globe Staff
03/11/2001 Page: A20  Section: National/Foreign

    QUEBEC CITY - Not since 1759, when troops under the Marquis de
Montcalm anxiously hunkered behind Quebec's fortress walls, awaiting
an English invasion force, has this achingly beautiful city, perched
above the St. Lawrence River, been so braced for trouble.

    The Summit of the Americas, a gathering of presidents, prime
ministers, and other leaders from 34 nations of North, Central, and
South America, will be held here from April 20 to 22. Along with the
heads of state, the meeting, which will focus on creation of a
free-trade zone stretching from Argentina to the Canadian Arctic, is
expected to draw 4,000 delegates and government observers, 2,500
journalists, and thousands of antiglobalization activists from around
the world.

    In the biggest security operation in Canadian history, police and
other authorities are readying for the expected legions of agitators
with heightened border security, a towering chain-link fence that
will seal off Quebec's old Upper Town, and even new bylaws that ban
scarves, ski masks, and other face gear that might hide identities.

    Free-trade opponents admit to being rather awed by the extraordinary
effort to transform this Old World-style city of narrow lanes, stone
houses, and soaring church spires into an ultra-security zone. But
they say they are undaunted.

    "People are mobilizing for Quebec City because they hope to raise
public consciousness about the onslaught of globalization and
multinational corporations under the guise of so-called free trade,"
said Orin Langelle, cochairman of the Action for Community and
Ecology in the Regions of Central America, a group based in
Burlington, Vt.

    Most of the protesters claim to be coming in peace. But memories of
riots at the 1999 World Trade Organization conference in Seattle are
still raw, and Canada wants to avoid a repeat.

    A recent report by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, the
country's spy agency, warned that "anarchist elements are actively
organizing to disrupt the summit" by using gasoline bombs, sabotage,
and other tactics.

    So, ironically, even though much of the summit will be dedicated to
discussion of greater opening of borders across the Americas, Canada
is drastically tightening its own borders against would-be spoilers
of the event.

    A spokesman for the Immigration Ministry said that activists from
the United States and other countries who want to join protests will
not be automatically barred, but should expect close questioning and
criminal background checks. Those arrested in the Seattle protests
are likely to be turned back.

    "It is a major event, we are taking extra measures, and the border
is certainly on a very high state of alert," said Richard
Saint-Louis, a senior Immigration Ministry spokesman.

    "If we have reason to think you are coming to riot or cause
violence, you will be turned away. For noncitizens, including
Americans, entry to Canada is a privilege, not a right."

    Security forces are raising a second wall in North America's only
fortress city - a charmless, 10-foot-high, heavy-duty chain-link
fence, reinforced by steel posts anchored in concrete, that will form
a 2.5-mile "security perimeter" within the cobblestone-paved heart of
the Old Town. Almost all of Quebec's major tourist sites, from the
majestic Chateau Frontenac to the hulking Citadel, will become
off-limits to everyone except summit officials, accredited
journalists, and registered residents.

    The new wall will also surround government buildings, a convention
center, and the Plains of Abraham just outside the original ramparts,
begun by the French in the 1600s and completed by the British in the
19th century.

    Nearly 5,000 police officers, including five Royal Canadian Mounted
Police riot squads from across the country, have been summoned for
duty.

    Prisoners are being transferred from local jails to ensure that
there is plenty of cell space for arrested protesters. Quebecers
living inside the barrier will have to carry special permits to pass
through police checkpoints. And the pastor of a church within the
security barrier has been told that parishioners from outside the
perimeter will not be allowed to attend services - forcing the
venerable St. Pierre United Church to close on Sunday for the first
time.

    Government officials describe the precautions as mere prudence.

    "As the proverb says,`If you want peace, prepare for war,' " said
Serge Menard, Quebec's minister for public security.

    But a growing number of critics, including civil liberties groups in
Canada and the United States, say the security measures are veering
toward paranoid suppression of everyday rights.

    In one of the more bizarre security moves, the suburb of Sainte-Foy,
several miles from the summit site but home to budget motels where
many demonstrators and journalists will stay, just passed an
ordinance banning the wearing and possession of "a mask, hood, ski
mask, or any other object of the same nature to cover one's face."

    Sainte-Foy may rescind the measure after the blasts of criticism
from civil libertarians, but Quebec City itself is armed with a
similar bylaw.

     "We must be ready for the hooligans of international protest," said
Mayor Jean-Paul L'Allier, who nonetheless fears that his city might
get a bad name if law-abiding demonstrators are restricted or if
citizens are harassed by police. "There are so many ways a summit can
go sour."

    Opponents of globalization claim that free trade treaties, such as
the North American Free Trade Agreement among Canada, Mexico, and the
United States, are capitalist ploys to subvert national environmental
laws, undercut labor organizations, and destroy indigenous cultures
by imposing economic hegemony in the name of "open borders."

    The agreements tend to be hatched in secrecy. Only a month before
the summit, for example, Canada and the United States refuse to
disclose major points of the pending Free Trade Agreement of the
Americas.

     "So little information is provided by governments that no one
really understands just what these agreements are," said Cassie
Watters, an organizer with Massachusetts Jobs with Justice. The group
believes free trade primarily benefits multinational companies by
enabling them to more easily move operations to countries where labor
is cheapest.

    "Free trade has become another cudgel to use against unions and
underpaid workers in this country by threatening to move operations -
and take away people's jobs - to places where they pay even less,"
she said.

     According to activist sources, significant numbers of
antiglobalization protesters, including many from New England, are
starting to slip into Canada well in advance of the summit to avoid
intensified border scrutiny.

    Others are attending "protest workshops" organized in dozens of
countries. The workshops teach everything from how to defend oneself
in street battles with police to how to get along with hardened
criminals if arrested.

Activists hope the Quebec summit might provide them with their best
chance to fight what they consider the real enemy: public
indifference to free trade.

"We should consider this a struggle or war against our own
governments," said Maude Barlow, cochairwoman of the Council of
Canadians, a 100,000-member nationalist group that fears free trade
is making Canada an economic and cultural colony of the United
States. "This is turning into a truly global fight against
globalization."

The last time Quebec City fell under serious siege, in 1759, British
General James Wolfe scored a victory after his troops sneaked up on
the French by scaling the cliffs rising from the St. Lawrence.

The Mounties have no intention of letting history repeat itself.
"We're ready on every front," said spokesman Normand Houle. "Even if
2,000 people try to scale those cliffs, we'll be there waiting."

===================================================================

Anti-Globalization Protests Begin Against Inter-American Bank In Chile

Santiago de Chile, March 16 (RHC)--Anti-free market globalization
protesters have begun to take to the streets of the Chilean capital,
Santiago, to protest the upcoming 42nd Annual Assembly of Inter-
American Development Bank Governors. Close to 25 people were arrested
Thursday, including two who allegedly threw a smoke bomb into a
McDonald's fast food restaurant.

Chilean police are on alert as numerous foreign organizations
and individuals are expected to converge on the city. An Argentinean
was among those arrested Thursday, while several people from Spain
and Belgium also participated in the protest. The Inter-American
Development Bank will officially begin its gathering next Monday,
with some 6000 invited representatives from nearly 46 countries.

But protests will continue this weekend under the slogan "capitalism
kills, kill capitalism - their wealth is our misery." Among diverse
activities, organizers of the protest will hold this weekend what
they're calling an anti-capitalist culture fair.

===================================================================

Tuesday, March 20, 2001

Ala Wai Community Park to close while ADB meets

<http://starbulletin.com/2001/03/20/news/story2.html>

Officials plan to shut off the park in May to thwart protesters

By Nelson Daranciang
Star-Bulletin

Police plans aimed at thwarting protests at an international meeting in May
promise to disrupt hundreds of Honolulu park users and have some activists
crying foul.
City officials said yesterday they will close Ala Wai Community Park May
7-11 to use as a staging area for security operations during the Asian
Development Bank meeting at the Hawaii Convention Center. May is the start
of the summer paddling season, and the park is used by about 10 paddling
clubs, as well as soccer and Little League baseball teams.
In addition to the Ala Wai park closure, the city also is not issuing any
permits allowing large
groups to gather at Ala Moana Beach Park, which police plan to use as a
second staging area.
"This is a complete denial of citizens' First Amendment rights," said Brent
White, American Civil
Liberties Union attorney for ADBwatch, a local coalition of protest groups
opposed to the ADB.
White said the city Parks Department has denied all permit applications by
protest groups that want to use parks in the vicinity of the convention
center to stage a march and rally against the ADB on May 9.
"The denial of these permits is an attempt to prevent ADBwatch and others
from exercising their
free-speech rights in Honolulu during the ADB meeting," he said.
In response to criticism that the council and police are going overboard in
their preparations, City
Councilman and Parks Committee Chairman Gary Okino said: "It's better to be
safe than sorry.
I'd feel really bad if we didn't pass these measures and someone got hurt.
I think we've just got to trust police."
Meanwhile, canoe clubs that want to paddle that week will have to move
their canoes and practice elsewhere, said Ala Wai park attendant Cass
Kasparovich.
"We've called all park users who practice or play games during that week
(and told them) that they won't be able to get access to the park because
of the bank meeting," Kasparovich said.
Mike Tongg, president of the Hawaii Canoe Racing Clubs, said the clubs
based at the Ala Wai have met with police and will relocate for the week.
The canal itself will be off limits to paddlers from near University Avenue
down past the convention center.
Callers hoping to get permits for Ala Moana Beach Park are being told city
officials are "evaluating" permits for the five days of the ADB.
"They (police) don't want us to issue permits," said John Mau, manager of
the park's McCoy Pavilion.
White said the city denied applications from ADBwatch to use the parks and
Kalakaua Avenue for a rally because the groups would need special duty
officers, but all of them will be assigned to provide security for the ADB.
"The part of it that's nonsensical, all officers will be assigned to
provide security during the Asian
Development Bank," he said. "But none are available to escort protesters."
Police refused to comment on their security measures for the meeting.
The ADB, a Manila-based multinational group that promotes free trade and
Third World
development projects, has come under fire from environmentalists, unions
and other groups who
say the ADB exploits workers and the environment. At a 1999 Seattle meeting
of another
multinational development group, the World Trade Organization, rioting
protesters caused millions of dollars in property damage.

===================================================================

Silencing Quebec

<http://www.alternet.org/story.html?StoryID=10609>

Naomi Klein, Globe and Mail
March 20, 2001

"I'm worried that free trade is leading to the privatization of education,"
an elementary school teacher tells me. "I want to go to the protests in
Quebec City, but is it going to be safe?"
"I think NAFTA has increased the divide between rich and poor," a young
mother tells me, "But if I go to Quebec, will my son get pepper sprayed?"
"I want to go to Quebec City," a Harvard undergraduate active in the
anti-sweatshop movement says, "but I heard no one is getting across the
border to Canada."
"We're not even bothering to go to Quebec City," a student in Mexico City
says. "We can't afford to get arrested in a foreign country."
If you think that the next big crackdown on political protest is going to
take place when 5,000 police officers clash with activists outside the
Summit of the Americas in Quebec City next month, you are mistaken. The
real crackdown is already taking place.
It is happening silently, with no fanfare, every time another would-be
protester decides not to publicly express his or her views about the
largest free trade zone in the world: the proposed Free Trade Area of the
Americas.
It turns out that the most effective form of crowd control isn't pepper
spray, water cannons, tear gas, or any of the other weapons being readied
by Quebec police in anticipation of the arrival of 34 heads of state. The
most cutting-edge form of crowd control is controlling the crowds before
they converge: this is state-of-the-art protest deterrence, the silencing
you do yourself.
It happens every time we read another story about how Quebec will be
surrounded by a three-meter high fence. Or about how there's nowhere to
sleep in the city except the prisons, which have been helpfully cleared
out. A month before the Summit, post-card perfect Quebec City has been
successfully transformed into a menacing place, inhospitable to regular
people with concerns about corporate-driven trade and economic
deregulation. Protesting, rather than being a healthy part of democracy,
seems like an extreme and dangerous sport, suitable only for hard-core
activists, with bizarre accessories and doctoral degrees in rock climbing.
More protest deterrence takes place when we accept the stories in the
papers, filled with anonymous sources and unattributed statements, about
how some of these activists are actually "agitators" who are "planning to
use violence," packing bricks and explosives. The only proof provided for
such inflammatory allegations is that "anarchists" are organizing into
"small groups" and these groups are "autonomous," meaning, gasp! -- they
don't tell each other what to do.
The truth is this: not a single one of the official groups organizing
protests is planning violent action. A couple of the more radical
organizations, including the Anti-Capitalist Convergence, have said they
respect "a diversity of tactics ... ranging from popular education to
direct action." They have said they will not, on principle, condemn other
activists for their tactics.
This admittedly complicated position has been distorted in the press as
tantamount to planning violent attacks on the summit, which it most
certainly is not. The position has also been a source of frustration for
many activists who argue that it would be infinitely easier if everyone
just signed on to a statement saying the protests will be non-violent.
The problem is that one of the fundamental arguments against the FTAA's
Darwinian economic model is that it increases violence: violence within
poor communities and police violence against the poor. In a speech
delivered last year, Pierre Pettigrew, Minister of International Trade,
helps explain why. In the new economy, he said, "the victims are not only
exploited, they're excluded ... You may be in a situation where you are not
needed to create that wealth. This phenomenon of exclusion is far more
radical than the phenomenon of exploitation."
Indeed it is. Which is why a society that blithely accepts this
included/excluded ledger is an unsafe society. It is filled with people who
have little faith in the system, who feel they have nothing to gain from
the promises of prosperity coming out of gatherings like the Summit of the
Americas, who see the police only as a force of repression.
If this isn't the kind of society we want, one of included and excluded,
and ever higher walls dividing the two, then the answer is not for "good"
activists to preemptively condemn "bad" activists. The answer is to reject
the politics of division wholesale. And the best place to do it is in
Quebec City, where the usually invisible wall of exclusion has been made
starkly visible, with a brand-new chain-link fence, and crowd control
methods that aim to keep us out before we even get there.

===================================================================

Traditional Mohawks call for "Day of Rage" April 19th
and pledge to open border, welcoming anarchists.

Written By World War Three, Target & Warcry
Sun, 18 Mar 2001

This April the heads of State of every
country in the Western hemisphere except Cuba will be
meeting in Quebec city Canada to sign a trade deal
that undermines the rights of working people,
environmental protections and human rights. They are
very afraid that people will come to Quebec City and
ruin their party. So afraid that protesters are being
refused entry at the Canadian border. But there's good
news. There is an important chance to build solidarity
between anarchists and indigenous people.

The Mohawk territory of Akwesasne straddles both sides
of the Canadian border. The Mohawk people view that
border as illegitimate.  On April 19th,a group of
Mohawks from the Traditional contingent of the Mohawk
people will open the bridge at Cornwall to activists
wishing to go to Quebec City.  They are billing this
as a "Day of Rage" in solidarity with the Palestinian
people.  Canadian radicals and trade unionists are
supporting this action on the Canadian side while
several different mobilization groups from the U.S.
are planning a caravan from the Burlington Convergence
to Quebec City through the Mohawk reservation.  This
is not a blockade.  In solidarity with the Mohawk
nation's grievances towards the Canadian and U.S.
governments and their action upon that day, the
caravan hopes to travel without harassment and
unfettered to Quebec City.

The Mohawk people consider the bridge and border an
abomination forced on them by the U.S. and Canadian
governments. The bridge is controlled by customs 364
days of the year but one day of every year Mohawk
people take over the bridge to assert their
sovereignty over their land. They have never given up
their lands to these tyrannical nations.

This is a chance to build an alliance between
Anarchists and indigenous people.  There is a lot we
can learn from the Mohawk people, who have struggled
for centuries against all forms of oppression at the
hands of the capitalist system and the governments of
both Canada and the U.S.  They have never conceded
their land. They have never accepted the U.S. or
Canadian government as legitimate.  They have
responded to oppression with armed resistance.  The
powerful spirit of insurgency has been very effective
in the recent past as well.  The federal governments
have amassed to strike with horrendous force only to
back off when it became apparent what they were up
against: a people committed to sovereignty at all
costs.  As Anarchists we aspire to be as strong and
defiant as the Mohawk Traditionalists already are.

This group of Mohawk Traditionalists - along with the
Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (An organization of
poor people fighting to bring power back into poor
communities, OCAP) and the Kingston People's Community
Union (An organization of community members, PCU) -
are using this as a chance to build coalition and
organize towards a larger campaign to unseat their
rightwing asshole premier of Ontario, Mike Harris.
This will be a day of solidarity between radical
Mohawks, Canadian Trade Unions, the poor of Ontario
(Through OCAP), several radical activist groups in the
U.S. and Canada, independent Anarchists, and the
Anti-Globalization movement worldwide.
A few of the U.S. groups currently involved are NYC
DAN, NYC YaBasta! Collective,
IMC-NYC, Philly Direct Action Group. The Canadian
Guelph Direct Action Group is also down.  The border
crossing also has the endorsement of the Cornwall
Labor Council, the radical Canadian Postal Union and
possibly a Canadian AutoWorkers Union.  Once
over the border the U.S. caravan will be free to join
the Canadians for a large-scale caravan to Quebec
City.  Canadians are still discussing plans to shut
down the locks on the Saint Lawrence Seaway if
necessary.  The Burlington Convergence (Starting
possibly the 14th of April.
www.vermontactionnetwork.org, vermont.indymedia.org)
is being used as the jump off point and it is strongly
advised that those interested be at the
convergence by the 17th for training, or by the 18th
spokes council meeting at the very latest.  This
convergence will have teach-ins, workshops, bands,
protests and much more.  If you can't make it to
Cornwall or Quebec you have to come to the
convergence.

Some realities about working with the Mohawks: Mohawk
society, like most societies, is not politically
homogeneous.  There are Mohawk freedom fighters, but
there are also Mohawk police, Mohawk venture
capitalists, Mohawk reactionaries and Mohawks
working with the Canadian Government.  Just as there
are Anarchists, Republicans and all kinds of people in
U.S. society.  This action is being called by a group
of Mohawk Traditionalists with radical politics. (So
understandably, they have welcomed the U.S. Anarchists
to cross their land.) It is possible that we will come
into contact with some Mohawks who don't support the
action.  We may in fact be confronting Mohawk police
officers.  If this happens we should deal with this in
a principled way and stand up to them as police =AD and
not fall into raising racial issues.  When possible,
we will take the lead from our Traditionalist allies on how to deal
with these situations.
Considering that the blood of 20 million Indigenous
people has been spilled since imperialists first set
foot on this country, and considering how fiercely
these warriors have always resisted oppression, we
consider it an honor to work with these
uncompromisingly brave people. They are opening their
land for us to reach Quebec City; we should open our
hearts and raise our fists.
-------------
Some sites related to the Cornwall caravan and the
Vermont convergence:
http://www.freespeech.org/yabasta/
http://www.vermontactionnetwork.org/
http://vermont.indymedia.org/
http://www.infoshop.org=20

===================================================================

The salsa revolution

Sunday Times (South Africa)

As the Zapatista Army of National Liberation arrived in
Mexico City this week to campaign against capitalism and for
the rights of the Maya, MICHAEL SCHMIDT recalls a trip he
made to their stronghold in Chiapas

Teased by Internet portrayals of a David-versus-Goliath
insurgency in the southern Mexican state of Chiapas, I flew
off in search of a sort of political epiphany.

The Mexican south has a pretty wild history that sets it
apart from the rest of the country. This is feral territory,
where the easiest way to become a saint is to kill yourself
by falling off your horse in a drunken stupor during a
festival, and where a very modern guerrilla revolt has
produced a pin-up for the new millennium to rival Ché
Guevara.

Forget that limp-wristed Celestine Prophecies crap. The real
ancient Mayans filed their teeth to sharp points, pierced
their tongues and genitals with stingray spines, and
delighted in ripping the beating hearts out of the team that
lost the ball game. Then there were the pirate bands that
razed whole towns, using nuns as human shields in their
sieges; the new Catholic converts who presented a freshly
crucified boy to their priest as a gift; and the modern,
Mansonesque rituals of seaside satanic cults.

This is the black-hearted backwoods of the "jungle novels"
in which mysterious writer B Traven - more appopriately
known as Ret Marut , or Storm Demon - immortalised the rough
mahogany loggers of a hundred years ago, torching the
haciendas of their cacique overlords. Such images no doubt
strengthened the hand of Diego Garcia, communist lover of
Frieda Kahlo, as he painted his monumentalist murals decades
later.

The insurrectionary spirit is long-lived here. It's 500
years after Columbus, and the Mayans, a stocky, pugnacious
race, still don't believe they've been beaten.

Villagers in Zinacantán, where men wear black ponchos
festooned with fuschia pom-poms, once hammered some federal
cops who trod on local traditions. They shaved the
offenders' heads, starved them in jail for a week, then sent
them packing, stark naked and on foot. The Federales are
muscle for what was, until ousted in elections late last
year, the world's oldest government and they rate more than
a few entries under "torture" in Amnesty International's
files.

To land in Chiapas is to immediately be aware that the goon
squad is in residence: sandbagged army posts line the
runway; cops with submachineguns lurk around the hangars;
and helicopter gunships nest on the tarmac like wasps. But
everyday life has wound its tendrils around these obstacles.
Military traffic gets jostled on the winding roads by new
Hyundais, beat-up farm trucks from the 1940s and creaky
retired US schoolbuses plastered with stickers of the
brown-skinned Virgin of Guadeloupe and of pe roxide porno
estrellas.

In the mountain town of San Cristóbal de las Casas, with its
cobblestones and courtyards, marimba band posters are more
prevalent than political colours.

The best indicator that I was off the beaten track was in
Chiapas's conquistadore churches where confessionals stood
unused, priests were often ignored and congregants
essentially worshipped the old Mayan gods (minus,
thankfully, human sacrifice). There are no pews behind the
immense, fortress-like walls. In what looks more like
santeria ceremonies, rows of candles burn on the palm-leafed
floors before sad-eyed, menacing saints shrouded in dusty
satin robes and choked with flower offerings. Supplicants
down posh, a mind-blurring sugarcane witblits. I half
expected to be sprayed in black chicken blood.

One of the major-domos who maintain the saints' statues came
up to me, pointed at my then long hair and beard and then
heavenward, saying "Jesus". I wickedly felt like confirming
He was back and demanding 500 years' arrears rent.

But I didn't because all outsiders to these mountain Mayan
towns, whether gringo or mixed-race mestizo , must get the
hell out of Dodge by sundown or face the wrath of a people
who perfected open-heart surgery a thousand years before
Chris Barnard. Or even anaesthetic.

On the other side of the social spectrum to the major-domo
squats Fat Manuel, an architecture student who will no doubt
be designing exceptionally wide doorways. Fat Manuel toured
me through the seedy underbelly of Mérida, a grim town on
the Yucatán peninsula. Mexican strip shows have four parts.
In parts one and two, dumpy girls in wedding-cake dresses
play coy; in part three, they grind their buck-naked booties
in your face; and in the last act, disappear upstairs with a
client. So much for nightlife.

Formed about 17 years back, the Ejército Zapatista de
Liberación Nacional kicked off as a wannabe urban assault
group named after moustachioed Emiliano Zapata, 1910
revolutionary and southern alter-ego to the northern
arch-bandido, Pancho Villa. But, discretion being the better
part of valour, they ran off into the Lacandón rainforest to
commune with the bolshie Mayan peasants and remained total
nobodies for the next decade.

Then on New Year's Day 1994 they popped out into the
sunlight in their black ninja jammies as harbingers of a
full-nine-yards social revolt, catching the Mexican army
with its pants around its ankles. Within 12 days they took a
miltary base and six towns, including San Cristóbal.

By dumping their authoritarian Maoism, putting themselves
under indigenous Mayan civilian control and taking
roundhouse punches at poverty instead, the Zaps, as Yankee
hacks working the story nicknamed them, had mutated in the
wilderness into desperadoes.

It's been seven years of the kind of lying, cheating and
general skulduggery that passed for "peace talks", and the
Zaps's popularity has grown steadily.

A sly, unspoken petty apartheid exists in Mexico, with
Mayans effectively barred from the sidewalk cafés. But they
get their own back in novel ways. Forced by starvation to
build megahotels for reality-shy American tourists at
resorts like Cancún, they build badly, in the cheerful hope
that the structures will collapse.

The Mayans are much reduced from the heights of a
civilisation which equalled the Roman Empire and produced
cities as awesome as Constantinople, now all succumbed to
rainforest root and rot.

Modern tribespeople work from the time they are children.
One of the few beggars I saw was a young girl with
jaguar-like blemishes all over her skin. In ancient times,
she would have been revered as a messenger of Nahual-Bolom,
the Spirit Jaguar, but instead she stood in rags.

The other barefooted, pigtailed girls wear traditional
blouses called huipils as they flog the ubiquitous dolls of
Subcommandante Marcos, enigmatic spokesman for the uprising,
complete with ski-mask and rifle.

Even in the towns, most Mayans are in traditional dress.
Western clothing is scorned. The colourful and pungent
markets bustle with women selling woven cloth, tortillas and
handcrafted leather, wood and ceramic goods. And among it
all is the revolutionary kitsch: Zapatista T-shirts,
key-rings, balaclavas.

The state's massive 83rd Battalion base may be just outside
town and the balance of forces stacked 10 to one against the
Zaps, but that doesn't deter anyone from selling ugly pine
wall clocks embellished with Marcos's hooded visage. The
target of this bizarre fetishistic trade is, of course, the
town's real occupational force, the scores of neo-hippie
European and American backpackers who crowd the trendy
coffee bars to moan about the nouveau-riche Russians,
beet-red and half-naked, who sing rowdy drinking songs on
the pyramids at Uxmal.

Zapatista fans and Marcos groupies abound. I met two British
women who thought Marcos was the hottest thing since the
chilli tacos outhouse sprint. A dashing, mysterious figure
married to his M-16 assault rifle and his trademark
philosopher's pipe, "Sub" Marcos is enshrined as a
latter-day Ché. The government believes he's a dissident
writer named Rafael Guillen, but he has denied this.

Like all the other Zaps, he never removes his mask in
public, but his blue eyes reveal he is not Mayan (hence his
status as a lowly subcommander, though his rumoured fiancée,
Ramona, is a fully-fledged commander). But even Marcos's
charm cannot explain why a full third of the Zapatista
forces (up to 12 000-strong) are female. Many of them have
led all-male companies in successful combat with the
authorities: the taking of San Cristóbal itself was achieved
bloodlessly by about 1 000 guerrillas commanded by
26-year-old Major Ana-Maria.

Marcos has joked about the effect of having babes on board,
telling journalists that combatants who want to sneak off
for a bit of nookie must tell their commanders first: "If we
are attacked, we can't have the whole defensive line having
sex!" He's also candid about domestic disputes between his
fighters: "We have to be careful in this respect, because
both are armed, and if it occurs to one of them to shoot the
other . . ."

The anarchist orator Emma Goldman famously said: "If I can't
dance, it's not my revolution!" And I can attest to the
fervour with which these Latinas can salsa - occupied zone
or not.

Marcos's thoughtful discourses, poetic, enraged and amusing
by turns, have endeared him and his cause to the type of
well-heeled white intellectuals who usually turn even paler
at the mere mention of anything that waves a red flag at the
market bull.

Although the Mexican press includes anarchist rags as well
as pinstriped finance journals, it is through the Internet
that Marcos's ideas and appeals reached a global audience.
When the official British war artist produced a series of
sketches of the early stages of the conflict, his most
enduring images were those of rebels bristling with antique
rifles, sitting on logs in the jungle, tapping away at
laptops. Runners get communiques by forked stick from the
jungle to wired sympathisers who then post them on the
Internet. In addition to the liberation army's website,
http://ezln.org , there are at least 30 related ones put up
by pro-Zap activists. Welcome to the first cyber-revolution.

The Zaps's biggest achievement, akin to stepping on
Superman's cape and getting away with it, has been the space
for sane dialogue which they opened up in a society bound by
tribal and religious taboos, plus the way in which their
defiance has put real democracy and social justice at the
top of the political agenda in Mexico and the rest of
Central America.

Like other armed insurgencies, they have their share of
thugs and sharks, but their link with the vicarious world of
cyberspace, their honourable conduct and their libertarian
politics have earned them kudos as the world's first
post-Soviet revolutionaries. But don't ask me. I never
actually managed to meet anyone wearing a ski mask, kinda
forgot the whole epiphany thing and became much more
qualified at discussing the philosophical qualities of
Mexican beer.

===================================================================

European communications 'wide open' to interception

http://www.silicon.com
By Peter Warren, March 9, 2001

A leading British code expert has fueled widespread concerns that
Europe's most sensitive electronic communications are open to
interception.

Desmond Perkins, a senior official in the European Commission's
cipher unit, has claimed that the superior
technology deployed by US authorities means there is little Europe
can do to prevent them listening in to its
communications.

Perkins was speaking at a recent EU hearing into Echelon, the
name given to a US monitoring system which is
allegedly able to eavesdrop on all European electronic traffic.

Perkins claimed he showed EU systems to his US counterparts,
thanks to his "cordial" relationship with the US
National Security Agency (NSA), the organisation widely believed
to operate Echelon.

"You have got to remember the Americans read no matter what is
going on inside here. They read everything
with their satellites lined up," he said.

EU officials have since gagged Perkins from making further
comments on the issue, and have claimed that his
evidence has been misunderstood. They say he only meant to
point out that the US had the technology to
intercept messages, but could not read them due to encryption.

They stressed that the EU has been using a Siemens system for
secure communications for over a decade.

But Perkins' claims have been backed up by former high-ranking
intelligence sources contacted by silicon.com.

A former Nato encryption expert, who advised the EU on
communications vulnerabilities in 1996, claimed that
the Commission had been in the habit of sending completely
unencrypted information, throwing into doubt
the EU claims that it had been using the Siemens system for a
decade.

"They were worried in the mid 1990s that the US may have been
picking up messages, but they did not
introduce encryption until 1998," said the expert, who asked to
remain anonymous.

He added that US intelligence efforts would almost certainly be
focused on acquiring the keys needed to read
intercepted messages - a process the former official hinted may
have been made easier due to the
long-established UK-US practice of exchanging classified codes.

This is the kind of practice that could make sense of Perkins'
claims of a "cordial" relationship with the US.

Indeed, Perkins told the EU: "They usually check our systems to
see they are being well-looked after and not
being misused."

Perkins' trust in the NSA is almost certainly misplaced, according
to one former NSA employee. "I don't doubt
it has been going on. I would also be fairly confident that they will
have built back doors into any system they
have been looking at," he said.

===================================================================
"Anarchy doesn't mean out of control. It means out of 'their' control."
        -Jim Dodge
======================================================
"Communications without intelligence is noise;
intelligence without communications is irrelevant."
        -Gen. Alfred. M. Gray, USMC
======================================================
"It is not a sign of good health to be well adjusted to a sick society."
        -J. Krishnamurti
======================================================
"The world is my country, all mankind my brethren,
and to do good is my religion."
        -Thomas Paine
======================================================
" . . . it does not require a majority to prevail, but rather an irate,
tireless minority keen to set brush fires in people's minds . . . "
        -Samuel Adams
======================================================
"You may never know what results come from your action.
But if you do nothing, there will be no results."
        -Gandhi
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