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                                    ISRAELI DEATH SQUADS

MID-EAST REALITIES © - www.MiddleEast.Org - Washington - 4/13:
    Israel's strategy has always been to overwhelm and suffocate the Palestinians.  At 
various times different tactics have been used ranging from diplomacy to brutality, 
from talk of "Statehood" to the imposition of neo-Apartheid.   
    Assassination, in tandem with the internal tension and demoralization this brings 
about, is one of the micro contexts of this same macro policy.  
    The Israelis have used assassinations and hit squads -- both directly on their own 
and indirectly tricking various Palestinian factions to attack each other - for a very 
long time.  This article today by Robert Fisk in The Independent is helpful in 
reminding everyone just how "the game" is played with Israel largely making up the 
"rules" determining who lives and who dies -- and with all the resultant doubts, 
insecurities, and internal confusion such realities create among the Palestinians and 
their supporters.



                    
   DEATH BY REMOTE CONTROL AS HIT SQUADS RETURN

                            By Robert Fisk in Gaza 

[The Independent, 13 April]:  When the Israelis came for Abu Jihad exactly 13 years 
ago, they employed up to 4,000 men for his assassination. There was an Awacs plane 
over Tunis, a 
squadron of jets to protect the Awacs, two warships in the Mediterranean, a submarine 
to guard the warships, a 707 refuelling aircraft, 40 men to go ashore and surround the 
home of Yasser Arafat's PLO deputy commander, and four men and an officer to murder 
their victim. 

Abu Jihad's son Jihad al-Wazzir recalls: "First they killed the bodyguard who was 
asleep in the car outside. Then they killed the gardener and the second bodyguard ... 
My dad was writing in his office and went into the hall with a pistol. He got off one 
shot before he was hit. My mother remembers how each of the four men would step 
forward and empty an entire clip of bullets from 
an automatic weapon into my dad ­ like it was a kind of ritual. Then an officer in a 
black mask stepped forward and shot him in the head, just to make sure." 

Today, Israel's murder squads come cheaper: a computer chip that activates a bomb in a 
mobile telephone, a family collaborator, or even a splash of ultra-violet paint on the 
roof of a car to alert an Israeli Apache helicopter pilot to fire a Hellfire missile 
into the Palestinian's vehicle. 

It's long-range assassination. But some things don't change. Palestinians have long 
believed ­ and Jihad al-Wazzir Jnr is convinced ­ that the Israeli who delivered the 
coup de grāce to his father on 16 April 1988 was an intelligence officer called Moshe 
Yalon. And today, one of the principal instigators behind the policy of murdering 
Israel's Palestinian military opponents is the deputy chief of staff, a certain major 
general called Moshe Yalon. 

It's a cruel, vicious, internationally illegal war in which the Palestinians have 
themselves been guilty in the past. Back in the Seventies, Israeli and PLO agents 
murdered each other in Europe in a policy of retaliation and counter-retaliation that 
drove European security forces insane with anger.

"In the end, these murders led to a ceasefire," Mr al-Wazzir explains. "The  whole 
thing ended." 

It continued, however, in Beirut where two of the men involved in murdering PLO 
leaders were called Ehud Barak and Amnon Shahak. Shahak would later become the Israeli 
military commander in Lebanon in 1982. And it was Mr Barak who as Prime Minister last 
year relaunched Israel's murder squads. 

Historians will one day debate the worth of such killings. Hamas and Islamic Jihad, 
after all, have their own murderers ­ though their suicide bombs slaughter civilians 
as well as soldiers, hitherto unknown victims rather than individual Israeli 
intelligence officers. 

But Israel's killers take innocent lives too. An Apache helicopter attack on a 
Palestinian militant tore two middle-aged Palestinian women to pieces; the Israelis 
did not apologise. The nephew of a man murdered by the Israelis in Nablus later 
admitted to the Palestinian Authority that he had given his uncle's location to the 
Israelis. He told his interrogators: "They said they were only going to arrest him. 
Then they killed him." 

If it's a dirty war ­ which it is ­ it's also a developing one. Mr al-Wazzir, now an 
economic analyst in Gaza, explains: "It's small-scale now and in known locations. 
People who did not think of themselves as targets are killed. There's a network of 
Israeli army intelligence and air force intelligence, and Mossad and Shin Bet that 
works together, feeding each other information. 

"They can cross the lines between Area C [under Israeli control] and Area B [shared 
control] in the occupied territories. They can penetrate these borders. Usually, they 
carry out operations when the IDF [Israeli Defence Force] morale is low. When they 
killed my father, the IDF was in very low spirits because of the first intifada. So 
they go for a 'spectacular' to show what great warriors they are. Now the IDF morale 
is low again because of the second intifada." 

Palestinian security officers in Gaza have been intrigued at the logic behind the 
Israeli killings. One of the Palestinian officials says:"Our guys meet their guys and 
we know their officers and operatives. I tell you this frankly ­ they are as corrupt 
and indisciplined as we are. And as ruthless. 

"After they [the Israelis] targeted Mohamed Dahlan's convoy when he was coming back 
from security talks, Dahlan [the head of Palestinian 'preventive security' in Gaza] 
talked to [the Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon] Peres.. 'Look what you guys are doing 
to us,' Dahlan told Peres. 'Don't you realise it was me who took Sharon's son to meet 
Arafat?'" 

Was this a threat? Mr al-Wazzir understands some of the death squad logic. "It has 
some effect because we Palestinians are a paternalistic society," he says. "We believe 
in the idea of a father figure. But when they assassinated my dad, the intifada didn't 
stop. It was affected but all the political objectives failed; rather than 
demoralising the Palestinians, the assassination fuelled the intifada. 

"They say there's a list now of 100 Palestinians on the murder list. No, I don't think 
the Palestinians will adopt the same type of killings against Israeli intelligence. An 
army is an institution, a system. Murdering an officer just results in him being 
replaced." 

The Israelis have murdered up to 20 Palestinians they claim to be "terrorists" ­ with 
no concrete evidence and no court hearings. It's a practice they honed in Lebanon 
where guerrilla leaders were blown up by hidden bombs or shot in the back by Shin Bet 
execution squads, often ­ as in the case of an Amal leader in the village of Bidias ­ 
after interrogation. 

All this was, and still is, in the name of "security". And that is something the 
murders have clearly not produced. 


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