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Peace at any cost is a Prelude to War!

Last Warning: China Ready to Take Taiwan in 2002 
Dr. Alexandr Nemets and Dr. Thomas Torda
Monday, April 16, 2001 
China is fast developing its naval and war capabilities to engage in a major 
war in Asia with the purpose of taking Taiwan by the fall of 2002. Two 
respected analysts report that shipments of advanced Russian military 
equipment will be delivered and in place by late next year. The experts 
believe China's plans have already put it on a confrontation course with its 
neighbors, and a collision course with the U.S.
What has happened during the last two weeks has surprised many experts, let 
alone persons having limited knowledge about China. The first question: How 
did it happen?

The incident involving the U.S. EP-3 did not happen in a vacuum, but was 
instead one incident in a spate of aggressive moves by the Chinese military.

During 2000 and the first months of 2001, China was steadily increasing its 
military presence in the airspace and waters between the mainland coast and 
the First Island Chain, formed by Japan, Taiwan and the Philippines. 

The goal of this activity is to push out all other countries' forces – 
significantly the U.S. Air Force and Navy – and to establish unlimited 
Chinese control in this strategically and economically important zone. 

This, by the way, would facilitate China's People's Liberation Army air force 
(PLAAF) and navy (PLAN) actions in a forthcoming conflict around Taiwan. 

The Japanese navy and Philippines navy, indeed, have physically felt the 
drastic rise of PLAN pressure in the East China Sea and South China Sea, 
respectively, over the last few months. 

So, direct collision of Chinese and U.S. forces at some moment was 
unavoidable. 

A U.S. Navy vessel managed to escape a collision with a PLAN frigate on March 
24, but another collision – between a Chinese fighter and a U.S. 
reconnaissance plane – did occur. 

The second, probably more important question: Why have the Chinese been 
conducting such bold maneuvers against the U.S. and others?

Indeed, the Chinese side behaved in a surprisingly bold manner during the 
months preceding the collision, during the collision itself, and in the 
showdown with the U.S. administration after the incident.

There are two major reasons for China's increasing belligerence:

1) China has a mighty strategic rear, i.e., Russia, whose leaders firmly 
support any PLA action aimed at expansion and confrontation with the U.S. 

In July of this year, China and Russia intend to sign a Treaty on Friendship 
and Cooperation, and will formalize their strategic military alliance. In 
fact, this new military axis between Beijing and Moscow has been in de facto 
existence since about mid-1999. 

The new treaty prescribes, among other items, "joint resistance to the 
aggression against either of the two sides." 

This particularly means unconditional support of China by the Russian side – 
with all resources available – in the case of a Sino-U.S. military conflict. 

Such a position of the Russian side was confirmed in a telephone call between 
Jiang Zemin and Putin in mid-January this year. 

Talks between these two supreme leaders takes place on a regular basis after 
their summit in July 2000. 

The strongly negative attitude of the Kremlin to the U.S., especially toward 
the present U.S. administration, gives Chinese leaders "unshakable 
confidence" in Russian support.

2) PLA combat potential has increased very significantly during the last two 
years, and Russian military-technological assistance was the decisive factor 
here. Particularly:

a) It is common knowledge among analysts that China's PLAAF and PLAN aviation 
received hundreds, not "several dozen," of Russia's modern fighters and 
bombers. 

By early April 2001, the PLA finished, or almost finished, staffing three 
fighter divisions with SU-series fighters. 

Each division includes up to 72 Chinese-made and Russian-made SU-27 SK, SU-27 
UB, and/or SU-30 MKK fighters. 

This was achieved due to the work in the "prewar period regime" of key 
aircraft industry enterprises in China and Russia during the last 12-18 
months. In addition, the PLA now has at least four divisions staffed with 
drastically upgraded – based on Russian technology – J-8 II M fighters. 

Though each fighter of this kind is still inferior to an F-16 fighter, two of 
them are capable of downing one F-16. 

Upgrading of several hundred J-7 fighters also adds to PLAAF potential. 

All the fighters are equipped with Russian-made or Russian-technology-based 
air-to-air missiles (AAMs) and air-to-ground missiles (AGMs).

b) By April 2001, the PLA deployed in the coastal zone from Beijing to Hong 
Kong a theater missile defense (TMD) network, including the following Russian 
air-defense missile (ADM) systems: 


up to 30 systems (battalions) of S-300 ADMs (12 ADM launchers, capable of 
simultaneously launching 48 ADMs, in one battalion) with a range up to 150 km 
and altitude up to 35 km; 

at least 100 systems (companies) of Tor-M1 ADMs (4 ADM launchers, capable of 
simultaneously launching 8 ADMs, in one company) with range up to 40km and 
altitude up to 12 km; 

hundreds of Qianwei (QW)-2 missile-artillery air-defense systems, copied from 
Russia's Tunguska system technology.
Together with thousands of Chinese-made ADM systems of various kinds and many 
thousand air-defense artillery units, this makes a strong-enough TMD network, 
capable of effectively opposing massive air strikes "of Kosovo war scale", 
including land-attack cruise missile (LACM) strikes. 

c) By early 2001, China, utilizing advanced Russian technology, began serial 
production of comparatively advanced ground-based LACMs: the Changfeng 
(CF)-1, CF-2, HongNiao (HN)-1, and HN-2 with a range between 400 km and 1,800 
km, with conventional and nuclear warheads. 

By preliminary data, several brigades of the PLA 2nd Artillery (Strategic 
Nuclear Forces) are staffed with these LACMs. 

Simultaneously, China started production of the HN-3 3,000-km-range strategic 
LACM, capable of both ground-based deployment and of installation on old H-6 
bombers and the new-generation HJ-7/FBC-1 bombers. 

The number of such bombers in the PLA inventory now exceeds 100. 

The offensive potential of these LACMs, aimed at Taiwan as well as U.S. Army 
facilities in Japan and South Korea, by April 2001, probably surpassed that 
of several hundred short-range ballistic missiles (SRBMs) deployed around 
Taiwan. 

Also, in 1999-2000, the PLA received a significant quantity of DF-21 IRBMs 
with a range of 2,000 km to 2,900 km, a certain number of new-generation 
DF-31 ICBMs, and a greater number of MIRVed warheads for earlier installed 
DF-5 ICBMs.

By April 2001, the PLA definitely had acquired a very substantial 
missile-strike potential, especially in regard to short- to mid-range 
missiles. 

d) PLAN modernization, though only half-completed, has realized great 
progress, mostly on the basis of Russian aid. 

This mainly includes the following:


Obtaining several Sovremennyy-class destroyers and Kilo-class submarines.

Re-equipping PLAN frigates and destroyers with very advanced Russian-made 
supersonic anti-ship cruise missiles (ASCMs), probably of the Moskit 
(Sunburn) and/or Yakhont types. This work began in November 2000.
Most importantly, Jiang Zemin received an assurance from Putin that – in case 
of a serious crisis around Taiwan, or any other crisis related to direct 
conflict between Chinese and U.S. forces – a significant part of the Russian 
Pacific Fleet will "block the way of the U.S. Navy."

Only the most important directions of PLA modernization are listed above, but 
there is no doubt that PLA combat potential rose to a new level between 
mid-1999 and April 2000. 

And this gives "unlimited boldness" to China's top leaders.

U.S. policymakers can no longer ignore China's emergence, with the help of 
Russia, as a major Asian military power capable of projecting power well 
beyong her borders. 

The Chinese and PLA almost certainly will not risk direct confrontation 
before about autumn 2002. China, based on Russian aid, will accomplish 
between April 2001 and Autumn 2002 an additional "great leap forward" in 
several key areas of PLA construction, such as staffing several new fighter 
divisions with SU-27/SU-30 and J-10 4th-generation fighters, at least 
doubling the number of advanced ADM systems in the East China TMD network, 
deploying several hundred more ballistic missiles and LACMs of all ranges, 
and upgrading PLAN to the maximum possible degree. 

According to available data, it is our opinion that in the second half of 
2002 the PLA will undertake an action against Taiwan, which means unavoidable 
U.S. involvement. Several recent statements of Jiang Zemin at high-ranking 
military meetings in Beijing confirm this forecast. 

Chinese leaders are especially counting on large-scale direct Russian 
military assistance, which could include even the actions of Russian 
strategic aircraft. 

So, what has happened over the first days of April 2001 should not be viewed 
as an isolated incident, but one in a chain of incidents that are the "first 
sparks" of a future grand fire. 

To avoid this coming conflict with China, policymakers and the public must 
wake up to the great threat – namely, the new Chinese-Russian military axis 
and its direct implications for Western security.


Dr. Alexandr V. Nemets is a consultant for Science Applications International 
Corp., and a consultant to the American Foreign Policy Council. He is 
co-author of "Chinese-Russian Military Relations, Fate of Taiwan and New 
Geopolitics."



Dr. Thomas J. Torda has been a Chinese linguist specializing in science and 
technology with FBIS, and a Chinese/Russian defense technology consultant 
with the Office of Naval Intelligence. 




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