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STRATFOR GLOBAL INTELLIGENCE UPDATE
Human rights and geopolitics
What the U.N.'s latest insult to U.S. means

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Editor's note: In partnership with Stratfor, the global intelligence company, 
WorldNetDaily publishes daily updates on international affairs provided by 
the respected private research and analysis firm. Look for fresh updates each 
afternoon, Monday through Friday. In addition, WorldNetDaily invites you to 
consider STRATFOR membership, entitling you to a wealth of international 
intelligence reports usually available only to top executives, scholars, 
academic institutions and press agencies. 

© 2001 WorldNetDaily.com 

Because of its own human rights record, the U.S. government was overconfident 
in its ability to win routine re-election to the United Nations Human Rights 
Commission in a secret ballot. 

According to the commission's internal rules, the United States and three 
other countries -- France, Sweden and Austria -- were competing for three 
seats on the "Western European and Others" sub-group. But when the results 
were announced May 3, France (52 votes), Austria (41 votes) and Sweden (32 
votes) had won, and the United States, with only 29 votes, unceremoniously 
was thrown off the commission Eleanor Roosevelt first chaired in 1947. 

Getting bounced from the panel -- current members of which include such human 
rights stalwarts as China, Cuba and Libya -- struck the Bush administration, 
Congress and most Americans who were paying attention as outrageously unfair. 
As outrageous was the obvious pleasure putative allies like the French were 
taking at America's rejection. In response, the U.S. House of Representatives 
a week later approved by a 252-165 vote an amendment to the State 
Department's authorization bill that would withhold $244 million in U.N. 
funding unless the United States is restored to the human rights commission 
next year. 

It is tempting to dismiss this incident as of little importance in the arena 
of international relations, says STRATFOR, the Global intelligence company. 
But the vote actually was of momentous political import both for the United 
States and the growing number of nations that resent U.S. political and 
military hegemony a decade after the end of the Cold War. The rejection is 
not significant in moral terms but instead reflects one symptom of a critical 
process now under way in the international system: the search for 
geopolitical equilibrium. 

STRATFOR has argued for several years that the international system has been 
in a state of serious imbalance ever since the United States emerged as the 
clear victor of the Cold War and that the world political system inevitably 
would tend toward reasserting equilibrium by challenging U.S. power and 
influence. 

For a long time after the collapse of the Soviet Union and its communist 
system, the United States enjoyed its status as the only superpower. Girded 
by the most robust economy in the world, the United States faced a potential 
opposition that was fragmented and incapable of counterbalancing U.S. 
military and economic power: The Soviet Union was shattered. China, caught up 
in its own frenzied economic development, had a heavy trade dependence on the 
United States. The Europeans traditionally were used to viewing themselves as 
America's junior partners and were themselves absorbed in internal affairs, 
from creating the European Union to integrating Eastern Europe into the 
European system. 

Those factors resulted in the United States having a free hand in shaping 
global policy for most of the 1990s. While tending to shape the international 
system to suit its own interests, a built-in paradox helped lead to the human 
rights commission election: The most powerful nation in the world was, at 
root, indifferent to what happened in the world. 

The United States could not help but affect world events. But the U.S. 
government, in fact, was relatively indifferent to the consequences of its 
actions. In many cases, U.S. interventions overseas have had less to do with 
any overarching American strategic interest in the world and instead have 
stemmed from domestic political considerations. During his eight years in 
power, former President Clinton looked at the international system through 
the prism of domestic politics. 

To our allies and adversaries alike, this approach made the United States 
appear fundamentally unpredictable and unreliable from the standpoint of the 
international system. To anticipate and plan for the effects of U.S. actions 
overseas, other governments required an intimate understanding of American 
domestic politics -- something only a handful of governments can claim to 
possess. 

Another factor that heightened the growing anxiety and resentment overseas 
was that during a time of extraordinary prosperity at home, both domestic and 
international politics in the United States tend to become a marginal issue 
for most people as they carry out their private pursuits. As a result, the 
politics of foreign affairs in the United States became the purview of a very 
small group of people. U.S. interventions in Haiti, Bosnia or Kosovo were 
utterly unpredictable to foreign analysts and observers. 

The international system abhors imbalance, but it cannot tolerate imbalance 
coupled with unpredictability. When Clinton engaged the U.S. military in its 
multiple foreign interventions, the president's justification was to support 
the human rights of those we sought to help. 

But much of the rest of the world did not accept the rhetoric. Instead, it 
deemed Clinton's words as a justification for capriciousness, particularly 
when the United States failed to act consistently on human rights, such as 
its hands-off approach toward genocide in Rwanda in 1994. Indeed, when 
critics pointed out such inconsistencies during the 1998 Kosovo air war, the 
Clinton administration further confirmed the perception of whim when the U.S. 
government made it clear it reserved the right to select whether or how to 
intervene. The U.S. and NATO intervention in Kosovo went against the wishes 
of China and Russia. In Beijing, Chinese officials perceived the human rights 
justification for military action as a direct attempt by the United States to 
destabilize their regime. 

The underlying tendency of any international system is to try to limit the 
influence of any single superpower by creating a coalition to counterbalance 
and restrain it. Therefore, the vote to remove the United States from the 
U.N. Human Rights Commission should be seen in two lights. 

First, it is part of the anti-American coalition building process that has 
been under way for years. France's delight at the vote -- and its reported 
behind-the-scenes work to scuttle U.S. membership -- indicates our putative 
friends and enemies feel extremely uncomfortable about unchecked American 
power. Second, the venue selected for this coup is both highly symbolic and 
significant since it constitutes a rejection of America's constant 
legitimization of foreign policy adventures based on human rights. It is also 
an attempt to limit American utilization of the United Nations as a 
justification for protecting its own global interests. 

We see the same process at work on both sides of the equation. The Bush 
administration in its first months has embraced a more geopolitical foreign 
policy than the Clinton administration did. As our allies and adversaries 
alike continue to formulate their geopolitical interests to counter U.S. 
hegemony, this should reinforce the importance of foreign policy to the Bush 
administration. As the emerging anti-U.S. coalition becomes stronger and 
dangers associated with the organized opposition increase, it is logical to 
predict the U.S. government will react with caution and restraint. Thus, we 
probably will see the issue of human rights itself begin to diminish as a 
"driver" of U.S. foreign policy. 

In the wake of the U.N. panel election and congressional reaction, the next 
key development will be to watch how the Chinese and Russian governments 
attempt to further exploit growing anti-American sentiment in the United 
Nations, says STRATFOR. It appears a sizable number of nations are waiting 
for either Moscow or Beijing to take the leadership in an organized political 
attempt to offset America's undeniable advantages in economic and military 
power. 



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