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Tyranny Laundering, by Pierre Lemieux</A>
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Tyranny Laundering


Why Big Brother Attacks "Money Laundering"



by Pierre Lemieux

Crime is criminal, but why make a second crime of "the processing of criminal 
proceeds in order to disguise their illegal origin," i.e., so-called "money 
laundering" (the definition is from the Financial Action Task Force on Money 
Laundering, The Forty Recommendations, at www.oecd.org//fatf/pdf/40Rec_en.pdf
)? 
And what counts as "crime"? Under the excuse of fighting "organized crime," 
the U.S. government was the first one to criminalize money laundering. Under 
the Money Laundering Control Act of 1986, explains Bob Bauman, a lawyer and 
the editor of the Sovereign Society's A-Letter, Currency Transaction Reports 
(CRTs, on Internal Revenue Service Form 4789) must be filed for all cash 
transactions of $10,000 or more, or by any individual buying more than $3,000 
in money orders. Failure to file Form 4789 is a felony. "Any person or 
organization that attempts to circumvent these regulations by completing a 
series of smaller transactions that in total exceeds the given limit is 
guilty of a crime known as 'structuring'," adds Mr. Bauman. 
U.S. customs laws also require the reporting of any sum of $10,000 or more in 
cash or equivalent negotiable instruments being transported into, or out of, 
the country. Moreover, American banks – and soon other financial 
intermediaries – have to file a Suspicious Activities Report (SAR) if a 
customer's transactions look suspicious, whatever that means. The 
International Monetary Fund estimates money laundering at 2 percent to 5 
percent of world gross domestic product. Although money laundering also 
relates to such crimes as embezzlement and fraud, it is mostly associated 
with the drug trade, arm sales, smuggling, and prostitution. Thus, most 
laundered money has been earned in committing "victimless crimes," i.e., in 
peaceful activities that have been forbidden by the state. 
The cost of the money laundering legislation is higher than whatever benefits 
some might think of. Writes Richard Rahn: "[I]f you look at the results of 
this so-called war on money laundering, you find that it has failed to 
produce the advertised results and, in fact, has not been cost effective, has 
resulted in wholesale violations of individual civil liberties." Between 1987 
and 1995, 77 million CTRs were collected, which lead to 580 convictions for 
money laundering, i.e., less than one conviction for every 100,000 reports 
filled ("Why the War on Money Laundering is Counterproductive," at 
www.freedomandprosperity.org/Papers/rahn01-30-01/rahn01-30-01.shtml). 
International state cartels have been active co-conspirators in the 
strengthening of surveillance and control of financial transactions. The 1989 
G-7 Summit established the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering 
(FATF) with the objective of coordinating the international hunt on the money 
launderers. Although not formally part of the Organization for Economic 
Cooperation and Development (OECD), FATF is lodged in the Organization's 
Paris headquarters. FATF designed 40 recommendations which include proposals 
to "criminalize money laundering as set forth in the [1988] Vienna 
Convention," and to extend it to other "serious offenses" besides drugs. FATF 
lists bribery and insider trading among these other so-called crimes ("Money 
Laundering," at www.oecd.org/fatf/pdf/PB9906_en.pdf). 
The definition of money laundering is not closed, as explained in the Forty 
Recommendations: "Each country would determine which serious crimes would be 
designated as money laundering predicate offences." For example, the state of 
Singapore, a member of FATF and one of the most repressive regimes in the 
world, could decide that the proceeds of anti-government writings fall under 
its definition of money laundering. 
Once you get a tyrannical idea going in international government circles, it 
is rapidly picked up by different state cartels. The first Summit of the 
Americas, held in Miami in 1994, officially aimed at creating a Free Trade 
Area of the Americas (FTAA), but the "Plan of Action" it designed included 
many other state agendas. "Governments," states the document, "will [e]nact 
legislation to permit the freezing and forfeiture of the proceeds of money 
laundering and consider the sharing of forfeited assets among government," 
and "[e]ncourage financial institutions to report large and suspicious tran
sactions to appropriate authorities and develop effective procedures that 
would allow the collection of relevant information from financial 
institutions." 
The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), a club of 
rich-country governments, used to be a friendly, innocuous research 
organization which provided useful data to economists. During the 80s and 
90s, its research had a favorable impact on mild libertarian causes like 
challenging state growth and promoting free trade. It has now become a 
despicable cartel intent on monitoring financial transactions for reasons of 
state. 

Tax Havens

What if countries at the periphery become "tax havens" where money can flow 
without much taxes, administrative burdens, or surveillance? What if some 
states, in non-tax-haven countries, impose lower taxes or protect financial 
privacy? The international state establishment was not long to discover that 
there was a way to both fight money laundering and simultaneously increase 
their hold on their taxpayers. Isn't tax evasion a crime, anyway? An 1996 
OECD meeting thus launched a campaign against "harmful tax competition." An 
official report was published, and approved, in 1998, under the title of 
Harmful Tax Competition: An Emerging Global Issue (available at 
www.oecd.org/daf/fa/harm_tax/harmfultax_eng.pdf). 
Any country that does not have an income tax is ipso facto considered as a 
dangerous tax haven. Protection of privacy is another criteria for 
blacklisting: "Beyond no or only nominal taxation," the report states, "other 
key factors in identifying a tax haven are the lack of transparency in the 
operation of the jurisdiction's administrative tax practices and the 
existence of provisions – whether legislative, legal, or administrative – 
that prevent (or would prevent) effective exchange of information." 
Observe how money laundering and tax evasion are united in justifying the 
repression of privacy: "Because non-transparent administrative practices as 
well as an inability or unwillingness to provide information not only allow 
investors to avoid their taxes but also facilitate illegal activities, such 
as tax evasion and money laundering, these factors are particularly 
troublesome." The authors hit again the two-face enemy: "The most obvious 
consequence of the failure to provide information is that it facilitates tax 
evasion and money laundering." 
The OECD is after not only 35 "tax havens" like Monaco, Liechtenstein, or the 
Channel Islands, but also "harmful preferential tax regimes that drive the 
effective tax rate levied on income from the mobile activities significantly 
below rates in other countries." They call this "poaching other countries' 
tax bases," as if taxpayers were state property. In refusing to approve the 
report, the Luxembourg government declared that it "gives the impression that 
its purpose is not so much to counter harmful tax competition where it exists 
as to abolish bank secrecy." The Swiss government also dissented, explaining 
that "a certain degree of competition in tax matters … discourages 
governments from adopting confiscatory regimes, and it avoids alignment of 
tax burdens at the highest level." One should remember that Swiss bank 
secrecy was convenient when German Jews wanted to hide their money from the 
Nazi tyrant. Or course, New Age Newspeak makes the renewed possibility of 
such tyranny literally unthinkable. 
The economic argument is the same in favor of both tax competition and tax 
evasion. These two methods of escape provide a built-in restraint against tax 
exploitation by the state. Tax havens and "harmful tax regimes" don't protect 
only the rich who take advantage of them, but all other taxpayers who would 
be more exploited if nobody could escape the golden jail. The OECD has 
proposed a host of measures for more consistent and invasive surveillance and 
control by its member states against their own taxpayers, while bullying 
governments presiding over "tax havens" or "harmful tax regimes." Sanctions 
threatened against renegade countries go from refusing to sign tax treaties 
to imposing protectionist taxes on transactions with their residents. 
Resistance has organized under the Center for Freedom and Prosperity (
www.freedomandprosperity.org/), other private organizations like the 
Sovereign Society (www.sovereignsociety.com/), and U.S. Congressional 
Representative Dick Armey. 
Last week, a U.S. Treasury official declared that, although more 
international tax information is needed ("We cannot tolerate those who cheat 
on their U.S. taxes by hiding behind a cloak of secrecy"), "[i]n its current 
form, the [OECD] project is too broad and it is not in line with this 
administration's tax and economic priorities" (Washington Times, May 10, 
2001, at www.washtimes.com/commentary/20010510-3235964.htm). This will 
certainly slow down the OECD momentum. But never underestimate tyrants. 
The concerted effort of the most powerful states in the world to fight 
victimless crimes and crimes against the state, like tax evasion, is nothing 
but an effort to hide an increase in their taxing and surveillance powers. It 
is nothing but tyranny laundering. 

------------------------------------------------------------------------
Pierre Lemieux is an economist at the Universit? du Qu?bec ˆ Hull. E-mail: 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
-30-
from The Laissez Faire City Times, Vol 5, No 21, May 21, 2001

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