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Eeek! Eeek!
Hillary's in charge of health-care legislation. Thanks a lot, Jeffords!

BY PEGGY NOONAN
Tuesday, May 29, 2001 12:01 a.m. EDT

We had a wonderful weekend, hiking, barbecuing, visiting friends, snapping a
friendly salute to the flag as it went by on TV or the street so our children
would see and absorb the information that we honor the flag in our family, we
note the parade that remembers the men and women who have fought for our
country in the Army, Navy, Air Force and Marines.

Or at least that was the plan. We did some of these things when we weren't
watching TV talk shows about the Democratic Party's winning of control of the
Senate.

We have eased into the new reality. This evening there will be news stories
about Jim Jeffords's first day as an independent. In this clip, he will be
cheered by tourists and pose for pictures with a gaggle of them in the
Capitol; here he'll shake hands with a new caucus colleague, who'll laugh and
pat his arm; there he'll shake his head over the criticism, which he'll call
understandable and surprisingly mild.

We have been through the Jeffords story this way, that way, inside out and
upside down. We have absorbed it in the modern way: sitting in front of an
electric box that gives us more pictures and factoids than we need. We have
separated the wheat-news from the chaff-news and concluded: This is a story
that changes everything and nothing. It's just another few bars in "The
Ballad of Blue and Red," or, less gently, another chapter in "The Battle of
Blue and Red." We are a divided country; it is a divided Congress; it is a
divided Senate, which just tilted.

History is biography. Mr. Jeffords had things he wanted or needed and Mr.
Jeffords got them. Others in his position might have experienced themselves
as stuck in a frustrating reality. He is a member of the 10% of Republicans
in the Senate--10%!--who are liberals. They are sometimes treated like
they're a mere 10%. Sometimes they're treated as if they're key, because
sometimes they are. But mostly they're just 10%. To make it worse, the Senate
10% reflects the Republican reality on the ground: Only about 10% of the base
is liberal, too.
What a losing position to be in. But Mr. Jeffords didn't see the muck of
reality, he saw rich opportunity. A way to move from obscurity to prominence,
from powerlessness to power, from membership of a minority to majority of
one, from one voice in a hundred to shaper of destiny, from representative of
a silly state to king of a personal power base whose creation puffs up both
his state and his standing.

Now was the time to move, before the fate of a Thurmond or Torricelli is
settled, and the Senate rearranged by the powers on high. Mr. Jeffords moved,
served his own interests, put himself in the history books, and did it all in
such a way that those who want to, and there are many, can claim he took the
high road of political conviction and not the low road of personal
calculation. What a move! His public persona has, in a matter of days,
morphed from boring, bland, singing senator who harmonizes with goofy
Southerners to that of Lincolnesque leader, the sharp planes of whose face
reflect a gritty tradition of New England moral dissent.

What a 10 strike. For Jim Jeffords. Who is in politics by the way. So no one
should have been surprised. Everyone should have been calculating that he
would do this.

Still, there's something refreshing when one man grabs history and shakes it
up, bends it. It reminds us all of our power, our personal power to change
the facts as we walk into the world each day.

But what a skievy choice. Rather than announce his desire to change parties,
resign and run for the Senate again (as few, but some, have done), leaving it
up to the voters to accept him or reject him under new colors, he wins office
as a Republican six months ago, walks out on his base and party leadership in
his state and in Washington, and announces that he had to on principle.
But what principle? His principles survived Ronald Reagan and Newt Gingrich.
Couldn't they survive a George W. Bush whom Mr. Jeffords campaigned for and
who has turned out to be a president who has proceeded on exactly the issues
he campaigned on? If it was principle, why did Mr. Jeffords reportedly tell
Mr. Bush that he is a one-termer? That sounds more like politics, an
honorable profession but not a principle itself.

It changes everything and nothing. It keeps the voting lines and patterns of
the Senate the same; Mr. Jeffords voted like a liberal Democrat and will
continue to. (Actually it would be in his interests to confound expectations,
demonstrate independence and show it's not personal against Mr. Bush by
supporting the president vigorously in the first vote he can. And let's
assume he'll do what is in his interests!) But it will still take 60 votes to
control the Senate and neither side will have them.
So nothing changes. But everything changes. Democrats rule the upper house
for the first time in six years; they win back all committee chairmanships
and the right to slow, speed and kill legislation.

And they elevate both their stalwarts and their stars to new roles. Ted
Kennedy will chair the Labor Committee. And the new Democratic honcho in
charge of health-care legislation will be Hillary Clinton. This makes her an
activist again. No more the quiet backbencher, saying that "I'm just here to
learn." Now she will be given authority. Now she returns to a position of
real power.

You lock the door and she comes in the window, you lock the window and she
comes up the floor boards. This is like "Alien"--she lives in Tom Daschle's
stomach. Just as the music gets soft and the scene winds down you hear the
wild "Eeek! Eeek!" and she bursts out of Tom and darts through the room.

Mrs. Clinton signaled her new aggression within hours of Mr. Jeffords's
announcement. When the Senate, on Thursday, overwhelmingly confirmed Viet
Dinh and Michael Chertoff as assistant attorneys general, Mrs. Clinton cast
the only vote against either man. Were her reasons serious, or spiteful? You
decide. Both men were lawyers with the Senate Whitewater Committee.

All this is a threat to the Republic. But in a narrow sense it is also a gift
to the GOP base, to the party's hackocracy, to those Republicans on the
street who've never really been comfortable sitting back and just hoping Mr.
Bush will do well. They can now jolt awake with the super charge of
adrenaline that only Hillary--Eeek! Eeek!--can give them.

Well, Hillary and Ted.

Mr. Bush, on the other hand, no longer has to fashion legislation acceptable
to a liberal Republican who in the months before he bolted kept telling
reporters that it's just a short walk across the aisle from one side to the
other. Mr. Bush has other liberal Republicans to consider and persuade, but
one suspects they'll be less likely to bolt now that Mr. Jeffords has reaped
bolting's main rewards.
And Mr. Bush has something to fight now--the Democratic Senate. He won't have
to spend the 2002 congressional campaign explaining to a not-always-attentive
electorate why a president whose party controls Congress is unable to bring
dramatic change. Now he can happily rail against "the do-nothing 107th."

And he'll have a worthy foe in the endlessly calculating Mr. Daschle, who was
as nimble as Mrs. Clinton in taking advantage of the new circumstances, but
not with what seemed to be spite. He did his hair up and got made up and went
outside among the people and made a speech marking the beginning of his
majority leadership. It had the semi-moving anecdotes--" 'Give them hope,' my
friend told me before he died"--and semi-graceful grace notes we've all
become so used to. It almost had a hero in the balcony. Except it wasn't
really like a State of the Union, it was more like the first draft of an
inaugural address.

Ms. Noonan is a contributing editor of The Wall Street Journal and author of
"The Case Against Hillary Clinton" (Regan Books, 2000).

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