-Caveat Lector-

Well Israel has been asking for DNA samples of Russian Jews to prove
their are jewish.

It would make sense someone would not like this Russian Community - as
this one  Rabbi said foaming at the mouh - these jewish kids were
slaughtered because they were dancine boys with girls - and not men with
men or girls with girls?   The Wedding Party?  Well  there was fun an
dancing and laughter turned to mourning also.

Great way to get all those Palestinias slaughtered = like avengers of
blood when they shed their own blood ?

Saba

REMEMBR THE USS LIBERTY


 Bradley R. Smith  Revisionism by: CODOH, PO Box 439016, San
Diego, CA 92134  The Revisionist & Campus Project
AAARGH
Next Previous Index
Lenni BRENNER
ZIONISM IN THE AGE OF DICTATORS

Chapter 26
THE STERN GANG

Until Begin's election victory in l977, most pro-Zionist historians
dismissed Revisionism as the fanatic fringe of Zionism; certainly the
more extreme 'Stern Gang', as their enemies called Avraham Stern's
Fighters for the Freedom of Israel, were looked upon as of more interest
to the psychiatrist than the political scientist.

However, opinion toward Begin had to change when he came to power, and
when he eventually appointed Yitzhak Shamir as his Foreign Minister it
was quietly received, although Shamir had been operations commander of
the Stern Gang.

'The Historical Jewish State on a National and Totalitarian Basis'

On the night of 31 August/1 September l939 the entire command of the
Irgun, including Stern, was arrested by the British CID. When he was
released, in June 1940, Stern found an entirely new political
constellation. Jabotinsky had called off all military operations against
the British for the duration of the war. Stern himself was willing to
ally himself with the British so long as London would recognise the
sovereignty of a Jewish state on both sides of the River Jordan.

Until then, the anti-British struggle would have to continue. Jabotinsky
knew that nothing would make Britain give the Jews a state in 1940, and
he saw the creation of another Jewish Legion with the British Army to be
the main task. The two orientations were incompatible and by September
1940 the Irgun was hopelessly split: the majority of both the command
and the ranks followed Stern out of the Revisionist movement.

At birth the new group was at its greatest strength for, as Stern's
policies became clearer, the ranks started drifting back into the Irgun
or joined the British Army. Stern or 'Yair', as he now called himself,
(after Eleazer ben Yair, the commander at Masada during the revolt
against Rome) began to define his full objectives.

 His 18 principles included a Jewish state with its borders as defined
in Genesis 15: 18 'from the brook of Egypt to the great river, the river
Euphrates,' a 'population exchange', a euphemism for the expulsion of
the Arabs and, finally, the building of a Third Temple of Jerusalem.[(1
)]The Stern Group was at this time a bare majority of the military wing
of Revisionism but by no means representative of the middle class Jews
of Palestine who had backed Jabotinsky. Still less was the fanatic call
for a new temple attractive to ordinary Zionists.
The war and its implications were on everyone's mind and the Stern Gang
began to explain their unique position in a series of underground radio
broadcasts

There is a difference between a persecutor and an enemy. Persecutors
have risen against Israel in all generations and in all periods of our
diaspora, starting with Haman and ending with Hitler...

The source of all our woes is our remaining in exile, and the absence of
a homeland and statehood. Therefore, our enemy is the foreigner, the
ruler of our land who blocks the return of the people to it. The enemy
are the British who conquered the land with our help and who remain here
by our leave, and who have betrayed us and placed our brethren in Europe
in the hands of the persecutor.[(2)]

Stern turned away from any kind of struggle against Hitler and even
began to fantasise about sending a guerrilla group to India to help the
nationalists there against Britain.[(3)] He attacked the Revisionists
for encouraging Palestinian Jews to join the British Army, where they
would be treated as colonial troops, 'even to the point of not being
allowed to use the washrooms reserved for European soldiers'.[(4)]

Stern's single-minded belief, that the only solution to the Jewish
catastrophe in Europe was the end of British domination of Palestine,
had a logical conclusion. They could not defeat Britain with their own
puny forces, so they looked to her enemies for salvation. They came into
contact with an Italian agent in Jerusalem, a Jew who worked for the
British police, and in September 1940 they drew up an agreement whereby
Mussolini would recognise a Zionist state in return for Sternist
co-ordination with the Italian Army when the country was to be
invaded.[(5)]

How seriously either Stern or the Italian agent took these discussions
has been debated. Stern feared that the agreement might be part of a
British provocation.[(6)] As a precaution, Stern sent Naftali
Lubentschik to Beirut, which was still controlled by Vichy, to negotiate
directly with the Axis. Nothing is known of his dealings with either
Vichy or the Italians, but in January 1941 Lubentschik met two Germans
--Rudolf Rosen and Otto von Hentig, the philo-Zionist, who was then head
of the Oriental Department of the German Foreign Office.

After the war a copy of the Stern proposal for an alliance between his
movement and the Third Reich was discovered in the files of the German
Embassy in Turkey. The Ankara document called itself a 'Proposal of the
National Military Organisation (Irgun Zvai Leumi) Concerning the
Solution of the Jewish Question in Europe and the Participation of the
NMO in the War on the side of Germany.' (The Ankara document is dated 11
January 1941. At that point the Sternists still thought of themselves as
the 'real' Irgun, and it was only later that they adopted the Fighters
for the Freedom of Israel --Lohamei Herut Yisrael-- appellation.) In it
the Stern group told the Nazis:
The evacuation of the Jewish masses from Europe is a precondition for
solving the Jewish question; but this can only be made possible and
complete through the settlement of these masses in the home of the
Jewish people, Palestine, and through the establishment of a Jewish
state in its historical boundaries...

The NMO, which is well-acquainted with the goodwill of the German Reich
government and its authorities towards Zionist activity inside Germany
and towards Zionist emigration plans, is of the opinion that:

1. Common interests could exist between the establishment of a New Order
in Europe in conformity with the German concept, and the true national
aspirations of the Jewish people as they are embodied by the NMO.

2. Cooperation between the new Germany and a renewed volkish-national
Hebrium would be possible and

3. The establishment of the historical Jewish state on a national and
totalitarian basis, and bound by a treaty with the German Reich, would
be in the interest of a maintained and strengthened future German
position of power in the Near East.

Proceeding from these considerations, the NMO in Palestine, under the
condition the above-mentioned national aspirations of the Israeli
freedom movement are recognized on the side of the German Reich, offers
to actively take part in the war on Germany's side.

This offer by the NMO... would be connected to the military training and
organizing of Jewish manpower in Europe, under the leadership and
command of the NMO. These military units would take part in the fight to
conquer Palestine, should such a front be decided upon.

The indirect participation of the Israeli freedom movement in the New
Order in Europe, already in the preparatory stage, would be linked with
a positive-radical solution of the European Jewish problem in conformity
with the above-mentioned national aspirations of the Jewish people. This
would extraordinarily strengthen the moral basis of the New Order in the
eyes of all humanity.

The Sternists again emphasised: 'The NMO is closely related to the
totalitarian movements of Europe in its ideology and structure.'[(7)]

Lubentschik told von Hentig that if the Nazis were politically unwilling
to set up an immediate Zionist state in Palestine, the Sternists would
be willing to work temporarily along the lines of the Madagascar Plan.
The idea of Jewish colonies on the island had been one of the more
exotic notions of the European anti-Semites before the war, and with
France's defeat in 1940 the Germans revived the idea as part of their
vision of a German empire in Africa. Stern and his movement had debated
the Nazi Madagascar scheme and concluded that it should be supported,
just as Herzl had initially backed the British offer, in 1903, of a
temporary Jewish colony in the Kenya Highlands.[(8)]

There was no German follow-up on these incredible propositions, but the
Sternists did not lose hope. In December 1941, after the British had
taken Lebanon, Stern sent Nathan Yalin-Mor to try to contact the Nazis
in neutral Turkey, but he was arrested en route. There were no further
attempts to contact the Nazis.

The Stern plan was always unreal. One of the fundamentals of the
German-Italian alliance was that the eastern Mediterranean littoral was
to be included in the Italian sphere of influence.

Furthermore, on 21 November 1941, Hitler met the Mufti and told him that
although Germany could not then openly call for the independence of any
of the Arab possessions of the British or French --out of a desire not
to antagonise Vichy, which still ran North Africa-- when the Germans
overran the Caucasus, they would swiftly move down to Palestine and
destroy the Zionist settlement.

There is rather more substance to Stern's own self-perception as a
totalitarian. By the late 1930s Stern became one of the ring-leaders of
the Revisionist malcontents who saw Jabotinsky as a liberal with moral
reservations about Irgun terror against the Arabs. Stern felt that the
only salvation for the Jews was to produce their own Zionist form of
totalitarianism and make a clean break with Britain which, in any case,
had abandoned Zionism with the 1939 White Paper.

He had seen the WZO make its own accommodation with Nazism by means of
the Ha'avara; he had seen Jabotinsky entangle himself with Italy; and he
personally had been intimately involved in the Revisionists, dealings
with the Polish anti-Semites. However, Stern believed that all of these
were only half-measures.

Stern was one of the Revisionists who felt that the Zionists, and the
Jews, had betrayed Mussolini and not the reverse. Zionism had to show
the Axis that they were serious, by coming into direct military conflict
with Britain, so that the totalitarians could see a potential military
advantage in allying themselves with Zionism. To win, Stern argued, they
had to ally themselves with the Fascists and Nazis alike: one could not
deal with a Petliura or a Mussolini and then draw back from a Hitler.

Did Yitzhak Yzertinsky --rabbi Shamir-- to use his underground nom de
guerre, now the Foreign Minister of Israel, know of his movement's
proposed confederation with Adolf Hitler?

In recent years the wartime activities of the Stern Gang have been
thoroughly researched by one of the youths who joined it in the post-war
period, when it was no longer pro-Nazi. Baruch Nadel is absolutely
certain that Yzertinsky-Shamir was fully aware of Stern's plan: 'They
all knew about it.'[(9)]

When Shamir was appointed Foreign Minister, international opinion
focused on the fact that Begin had selected the organiser of two famous
assassinations: the killing of Lord Moyne, the British Minister Resident
for the Middle East, on 6 November 1944; and the slaying of Count Folke
Bernadotte, the UN's special Mediator on Palestine, on 17 September
1948. Concern for his terrorist past was allowed to obscure the more
grotesque notion that a would-be ally of Adolf Hitler could rise to the
leadership of the Zionist state.

When Begin appointed Shamir, and honoured Stern by having postage stamps
issued which bore his portrait, he did it with the full knowledge of
their past.
There can be no better proof than this that the heritage of Zionist
collusion with the Fascists and the Nazis, and the philosophies
underlying it, carries through to contemporary Israel.
Notes

[(1.)] Geula Cohen, Woman of Violence, p. 232.
[(2.)] Martin Sicker, 'Echoes of a Poet', American Zionist (February
1972), pp. 32-3.

[(3.)] Chaviv Kanaan (in discussion), Germany and the Middle East
1835-1939, p. 165.

[(4.)] Eri Jabotinsky, 'A Letter to the Editor'' Zionews (27 March
1942), p. 11.

[(5.)] Izzy Cohen, 'Zionism and Anti-Semitism', (unpublished
manuscript), p. 3.

[(6.)] Author's interview with Baruch Nadel, 17 February 1981.

[(7.)] 'Grundzuege des Vorschlages der Nationalen Militaerischen
Organisation in Palastina (Irgun Zwei Leumi) betreffend der Loesung der
juedischen Frage Europas und der aktiven Teilnahme der NMO am Kriege an
der Seite Deutschlands', David Yisraeli, The Palestine Problem in German
Politics 1889-1945, Bar llan University (Ramat Gan, Israel) (1974), pp.
315-17.
[(8.)] Kanaan, Cermany and the Middle East, pp. 165-6.
[(9.)] Interview with Nadel.

++++++++++++++++++
This text is a chapter of <Zionism in the Age of the Dictators ­ a
Reappraisal>, by Lenni Brenner.

The copyright (©) belongs to the author. It was published by Croom
Helm, Kent (Great­Britain) and Laurence Hill, Westport, Conn. in the
USA, 277 p. ISBN (GB) 0­7099­0628­5; USA (paperback)
0­88208­164­0 in 1983. This book has been out of print for years.

It has been computerized, displayed on the Net, and forwarded to you as
a tool for educational purpose, further research, on a non commercial
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Be reminded of Section 107 of the US Copyright Law:
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