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---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Thu, 14 Jun 2001 08:16:42 -0400
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: Mark <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: THE CONSTITUTION IS A DEAD LETTER - Government by Judiciary

DEAD LETTER CONSTITUTION

http://www.townhall.com/columnists/paulcraigroberts/pcr20010613.shtml

American law schools should terminate their constitutional law courses,
as the subject no longer exists. Judicial law has replaced
constitutional law. Formerly, judges scrutinized legislation to ensure
its conformity with the Constitution. Today, judges are legislators
themselves, and there is no branch of government to hold judicial
legislation accountable to the Constitution.

Constitutional law died in 1977 when Harvard legal scholar Raoul Berger
was excommunicated from American liberalism for publishing a legal
masterpiece, "Government by Judiciary." Berger, a man of the left, has
nothing in common with today's politicized faculty that crafts its
arguments to serve a political and social agenda instead of the truth.

Although Berger might have favored the outcomes had they been achieved
constitutionally through legislation, he realized that the Supreme
Court's school desegregation and abortion rulings usurped legislative
authority. Berger objected to the Supreme Court misrepresenting the
personal policy choices of justices as constitutional interpretation.

This, Berger believed, would permit any political faction that gained
control of the Court to lead the country in directions contrary to the
will of the people, violating the intent of the Constitution.

Berger spoke truth grounded in impeccable scholarship. His message was
badly received by politicized liberals determined to use the judiciary
to remake the country according to their lights. Berger, perhaps the
finest legal scholar of his age, was savaged by a professoriate that
believes its ends justify the means.

>From the standpoint of corrupt liberal elites, Berger's other great
failing is his confidence in the American people. Berger believed that
free people achieve reforms through debate and persuasion, not through
judicial coercion. Once the ends justify the means, any impatient
faction that gains five votes on the Supreme Court can inflict Nazi- and
communist-style horrors.

An immigrant from Russia, Berger was aware that moral fervor to perfect
society drove the communist exterminations of so-called "oppressor
classes." Today, we hear our own intellectuals spit out "white hegemonic
power structure" with the same fury that Bolsheviks spoke of the
bourgeoisie and Nazis spoke of Jews.

In the class and race exterminations of the 20th century, victim groups
were first stripped of equal standing in law. With this lesson to guide
them, why have American liberals abandoned their once staunch defense of
equality in law?

The post-WWII civil-rights movement, which set out to achieve the
promise of equal opportunity, has instead used courts and regulatory
agencies to create a regime of legal inequality in order to advance more
rapidly the economic and social positions of nonwhites. Legal
preferments exist for nonwhites in university admissions, employment,
promotion, government contracts and discrimination lawsuits.

These unconstitutional preferments were supposed to be temporary
expedients to jumpstart racial integration. However, despite a few state
referendums and federal district court rulings, racial preferments have
established durability for more than three decades.

The original U.S. Constitution that Berger well understood is now dead.
Its essential feature -- equality in law -- has been replaced by
differential group rights based on skin color, gender, disability and,
sooner or later, sexual orientation. Differential group rights, of
course, defined the feudal-aristocratic regimes that liberalism
overthrew.

For American liberals, the socialist principle of equal outcomes has
displaced the liberal principle of equal opportunity. Advocates of equal
outcomes regard defenders of the original Constitution, such as Raoul
Berger, as defenders of inequality. Berger's arguments are dismissed,
along with the Founding Fathers and the Constitution itself, for
defending the "immoral white male hegemonic order," a social construct
designed to oppress women and blacks.

Most Americans are unaware of the revolution that has occurred in their
constitutional order. Equality in law and equality of opportunity exist
only as vestiges of the old order that is being overturned with assaults
on merit-based university admissions and, in the recent words of a
corporate CEO, on "the sea of white faces" that fill the management
ranks.

How does Ford Motor Co.'s dismissal of white managers to make room for
black ones differ from the dismissal of Jews from German universities
and professions to make room for Aryans? How do our racial quotas differ
from the law promulgated by Hitler in 1933 limiting the admission of
Jews to universities to the percentage that Jews comprised of the German
population?

These questions have gone unaddressed for more than three decades. When
someone raises such questions, Democrats shout "racist" and Republicans
bury their heads in the sands of schemes to recruit racial minorities
into the GOP.

After three decades of unconstitutional racial quotas, are quotas now
permanent? Do nonwhites have squatters' rights in preferments? Are the
"temporary" legal privileges now an entitlement? Has the social pendulum
swung back toward the status-based legal orders of a bygone era?

Paradoxically, it is the liberals who have turned back the clock.

�2001 Creators Syndicate, Inc.



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