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Japan snubs U.S. in deal with Iran
Plans for huge oil field fly in face of ineffective sanctions

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Japan recently signed a letter of intent to develop a 26 billion barrel oil
field in Iran, landing a fatal blow to the U.S. government's Iran and Libya
Sanctions Act of 1996. Favorable economic and political considerations will
lead Washington to begin changing its policies toward Iran within the next
few years.

Japanese Trade Minister Takeo Hiranuma announced on June 8 his country will
begin a $10 million seismic study on Iran's 26 billion barrel Azadegan oil
field. The study will lead to enormous Japanese investment in Iran and sound
the death knell for the U.S. government's Iran and Libya Sanctions Act.

"Japan is not affected by U.S. pressure,'' Hiranuma told reporters during a
signing ceremony in Tehran, the Associated Press reported.

Japan's decision, following similar violations of the act by Asian and
European countries, did not bring about any retaliation from the U.S.
government. The muted response indicates Washington realizes the sanctions
have outlived their usefulness and are only harming U.S. interests.

Following a brief renewal, the act, which seeks to penalize non-U.S. energy
firms that invest more than $20 million in Iran's petroleum sector, will
likely be ended after two years, allowing Washington to begin the process of
normalizing ties with Iran and letting U.S. companies back into the country.

The sanctions act, which former U.S. President Bill Clinton signed into law,
came on top of a series of laws and executive orders barring U.S. firms from
investing in Iran. The 1996 sanctions immediately drew criticism from every
major economic power, all charging that the act couldn't be applied because
it was intended to affect events beyond America's shores.

As the years have passed, fear of U.S. retribution has slowly evaporated,
leaving the sanctions act virtually without merit. The first major violation
occurred in 1997, when France's Total, now TotalFinaElf, Malaysia's Petronas
and Russia's Gazprom jumped into a $2 billion natural gas project. Italy's
ENI just last week penned a $1 billion deal to develop Iran's Darkhovin oil
field. Other companies are currently negotiating contracts or are involved in
smaller deals.

Washington has yet to enact sanctions on any company investing in Iran. Now
Japan, one of America's closest allies, feels confident enough to go solo in
developing the largest field in Iran.

U.S. companies increasingly oppose the sanctions over losing a number of
lucrative deals. Despite helping analyze the first round of seismic
information from Azadegan – something that raised a number of eyebrows at the
U.S. Treasury Department – Conoco is missing out on Azadegan's projected $100
billion in revenues, according to Bloomberg News.

The act is even harming the investments of U.S. firms beyond Iran. ExxonMobil
lost its bid to manage the massive Kashagan oil project in the Caspian Sea
because the sanctions prevented an Iranian export route, the most
economically viable option. Therefore, ExxonMobil has undertaken a furious
lobbying effort to convince the Bush administration to end the sanctions act.

U.S. firms would also love to delve into Iran's natural gas deposits, the
most lucrative of which is the 8 trillion cubic meter South Pars field. All
told, Iran holds 9 percent of the world's oil and 15 percent of its natural
gas.

There are political as well as economic reasons to re-engage Iran. Despite
moves toward "smart sanctions" that would allow more civilian goods into
Iraq, Washington is seeking tighter controls on arms and military transfers
to Baghdad. Iran, being the largest regional power, is the logical partner to
help contain Iraq.

Despite the reasons in favor of lifting the sanctions, such an action is not
likely in the short term. Domestic anger with Iran continues over the 1979
embassy seizure and the regime's support of the Hezbollah terrorist group.

And U.S. special interests such as the Israeli lobby and isolationist
politicians such as Sen. Jesse Helms continue to maintain that the Iran-Libya
sanctions act is the bedrock of American foreign policy in the Middle East.

Despite the opposition, all of the international economic and political
factors argue for the act's dissolution. Most importantly, in Washington
there are now individuals in power who quietly support such a decision.

Both U.S. President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney are former
oil industry executives who are sympathetic to the concerns of energy
companies. Cheney even lobbied the Clinton administration to suspend the
sanctions act during his term as CEO of Halliburton.

Bush has indicated his position by floating the idea of renewing the act for
two years instead of its standard five. The likely elimination of the
Iran-Libya sanctions act after that term will set the stage for an end to the
measures preventing U.S. companies from doing business in Iran, leading to an
eventual rapprochement between the two countries.




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