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Editor, The Konformist
http://www.konformist.com
http://www.konformist.com/2001/pedophocracy1.htm

The Pedophocracy, Part I:
>From Brussels ...
By David McGowan
July 2001
(McGowan is the author of Derailing Democracy and Understanding the F-
Word,and is also the administrator of the website The Center for an 
Informed America)

"Paedophiles can boldly and courageously affirm what they choose ... 
I am also a theologian and as a theologian, I believe it is God's 
will that there be closeness and intimacy, unity of flesh, between 
people ... paedophiles can make the assertion that the pursuit of 
intimacy and love is what they choose. With boldness, they can 
say, 'I believe this is in fact part of God's will.'"

Ralph Underwager, 'expert' witness for the defense in scores of child 
abuse cases and former vocal member of the False Memory Syndrome 
Foundation, in an interview in Paidika (a pro-pedophilia 
publication), conducted in June 1991


To the vast majority of Americans, the name Marc Dutroux doesn't mean 
much. Drop that name in Belgium though and you're likely to elicit 
some very visceral reactions. Dutroux - convicted along with his wife 
in 1989 for the rape and violent abuse of five young girls, the 
youngest of whom was just eleven - now stands accused of being a key 
player in an international child prostitution and pornography ring 
whose practices included kidnapping, rape, sadistic torture, and 
murder.

Dutroux was sentenced in 1989 to thirteen years for his crimes, but 
was freed after having served just three. Shortly after his release, 
young girls began to disappear in the vicinity of some of his homes. 
Though technically unemployed and drawing welfare from the state, 
Dutroux nevertheless owned seven houses and lived quite lavishly.

His rather lucrative income appears to have been derived from trading 
in child sex-slaves, child prostitution, and child pornography. Many 
of his houses appeared to stand vacant, though at least some of them 
were in fact used as torture and imprisonment centers where kidnapped 
girls were taken and held in underground dungeons.

Some of Dutroux's homes were used in this way for several years 
following his early release, with a growing body of evidence to 
indicate that fact to the police. True to form though, authorities 
failed to act on the information, or acted on it in a way that showed 
either complete incompetence (according to most press reports), or 
police complicity in the operation (according to any sort of logic).

Police seem to have routinely ignored tips that later proved to be 
accurate, including a report from Dutroux's own mother that her son 
was holding girls prisoner in one of his houses. In addition, key 
facts were withheld from investigators working on the disappearances 
and lines of communication were unaccountably broken, inexcusably 
hindering the investigation.

Police did search one of Dutroux's homes on no less than three 
separate occasions over the course of the investigation. On at least 
two of those occasions, two of the missing girls were being held in 
heinous conditions imprisoned in a custom-built dungeon in the 
basement. Nevertheless, the police searches came up empty, despite 
the fact that the investigating officers reported "hearing children's 
voices on one occasion," according to the Guardian.

It was not until August of 1996, four years after the disappearances 
began, that authorities raided Dutroux's home and discovered the 
sound-proof dungeon/torture center. An informant had told police of 
its existence a year before, and before that had told them of being 
offered cash payments to kidnap girls; the police, as is their custom 
in such cases, ignored the leads.

Incredibly, it was later reported by the Guardian that police 
actually had in their possession a videotape of the dungeon being 
constructed: "Belgian police could have saved the lives of two 
children allegedly murdered by the paedophile Marc Dutroux if they 
had watched a video seized from his home which showed him building 
their hidden cell." The tape had been seized in one of the earlier 
searches.

At the time of the final raid, two young girls were found imprisoned 
in the dungeon, chained and starving. They described to police being 
used as child prostitutes and in the production of child pornography 
videos. More than 300 such videos were taken into custody by the 
police. Dutroux was arrested, along with his wife (an elementary 
school teacher), a lodger, a policeman, and a man the Guardian 
described as "an associate with political connections."

Just days later, the story got grimmer as police dug up the bodies of 
two eight-year-old girls at another of Dutroux's homes. It would 
later be learned that the girls had been kept in one of Dutroux's 
dungeons for nine months after their abductions, during which time 
they were repeatedly tortured and sexually assaulted, all captured on 
videotape. The girls were then left to slowly starve to death.

Alongside of their decimated corpses was the body of Bernard 
Weinstein, a former accomplice of Dutroux who had occupied one of the 
houses for several years. Weinstein had been buried alive. A few 
weeks later, two more girls were found buried under concrete at yet 
another of the Dutroux properties.

As the body count mounted, the outrage of the Belgian people grew. 
They demanded to know why this man, dubbed the 'Belgian Beast,' had 
been released after having served such an absurdly short sentence. 
And to know why, as evidence had continued to mount and girls had 
continued to disappear, the police had chosen to do nothing. How many 
girls, they demanded to know, had been killed as a result of this 
inaction?

Adding further fuel to the fire, as a Los Angeles Times report 
revealed, was that: "a highly regarded children's activist, Marie-
France Botte, claims that the Justice Ministry is sitting on a 
politically sensitive list of customers of pedophile videotapes." The 
same report noted that: "The affair has become further clouded by the 
discovery of a motorcycle that reportedly matches the description of 
one used in the 1991 assassination of prominent Belgian businessman 
and politician Andre Cools. Michel Bourlet, the head prosecutor on 
the pedophile case, meanwhile, has publicly declared that the 
investigation can be thoroughly pursued only without political 
interference. Several years ago, Bourlet was removed from the highly 
charged Cools case, which remains unsolved."

A report in Time magazine alluded to murky links between the Dutroux 
operation and organized crime figures. Much later, Marc Verwilghen - 
the chief investigating magistrate on the case - would bluntly 
state: "For me, the Dutroux affair is a question of organised crime." 
Also mentioned in the Time article was the use of secret "underground 
tunnels," not unlike those described by children a decade earlier at 
the infamous McMartin Preschool.

Outrage continued to grow as more arrests were made and evidence of 
high-level government and police complicity continued to emerge. One 
of Dutroux's accomplices, businessman Jean-Michel Nihoul, confessed 
to organizing an `orgy' at a Belgian chateau that had been attended 
by government officials, a former European Commissioner, and a number 
of law enforcement officers.

In September, nine police officers and fourteen others were detained 
and questioned about their possible complicity in the crimes and/or 
their negligence in investigating the case. As the Los Angeles Times 
noted in a very brief, two-sentence report, the detainments "were the 
latest indication that police in the southern city of Charleroi may 
have helped cover up the alleged crimes of Marc Dutroux."

On October 15 came the straw that broke the camel's back: Jean-Marc 
Connerotte, who had been serving as the investigating judge on the 
case, was dismissed by the Belgian Supreme Court. Connerotte was 
viewed by the people as something of a rarity: a public official/law 
enforcement officer who actually appeared to be pursuing a 
prosecution, rather than a cover-up. As the New York Times reported, 
Connerotte "became a national hero in August after saving two 
children from a secret dungeon kept by a convicted child rapist and 
ordering the inquiry that led to the discovery of the bodies of four 
girls kidnapped by a child pornography network."

His removal from the case fanned the smoldering flames of public 
outrage; the Times report noted that: "Hundreds of thousands of 
people had petitioned the high court to retain the judge." With the 
families of Dutroux's victims calling for a general strike, men and 
women all across the country walked away from their jobs in protest 
as train operators shut down public transportation, bringing some 
cities to a virtual standstill.

On October 20, 350,000 citizens of the tiny nation took to the 
streets of Brussels dressed all in white, demanding the reform of a 
system so corrupt that it would protect the abusers, rapists, 
torturers, and killers of children. The political fallout from the 
case would ultimately bring about the resignation of Belgium's State 
Police Chief, Interior Minister, and Justice Minister – likely 
sacrificial lambs tossed to the outraged masses to avoid what could 
easily have exploded into a full-scale insurrection by the people, 
particularly after police `incompetence' allowed Dutroux to escape 
and remain at large for a brief time in April of 1998.

There were in fact calls from the people for the entire coalition 
government to step down. Months later, an opinion survey by Brussels' 
Le Soir newspaper found that only one-in-five Belgians still had 
confidence in the federal government and the nation's justice system. 
As the Los Angeles Times reported in January of 1998, "the conviction 
remains stubbornly widespread that members of the upper crust - 
government ministers, the Roman Catholic Church, the court of King 
Albert II - belonged to child sex rings, or protected them."

The lingering distrust of the people was not alleviated by the fact 
that a parliamentary inquiry had, in April of 1997, identified thirty 
officials who had, as the Times tactfully put it, "failed to uncover 
Dutroux's misdeeds." Nearly a year later, none of them had yet 
suffered any repercussions. Additionally, at least ten missing 
children suspected of having fallen prey to Dutroux's operation have 
never been found.

In April of 1999, the Guardian reported that: "the highly respected 
chairman of a parliamentary inquiry into the case claims that his 
commission's findings were muzzled by political and judicial leaders 
to prevent details emerging of complicity in the crimes … Mr. 
Verwilghen claims that senior political and legal figures refused to 
cooperate with the inquiry. He says magistrates and police were 
officially told to refuse to answer certain questions, in what he 
describes as `a characteristic smothering operation.'"

If the Marc Dutroux case were some kind of aberration, it would still 
be a disturbing story for the level of unspeakable corruption and 
depravity of the Belgian political and law enforcement establishment 
of which it speaks. Far more disturbing is the fact that it doesn't 
appear to be an isolated case at all.

As 1999 drew to a close, the nation of Latvia was rocked by a child 
prostitution/child pornography scandal that reached to the very top 
of the political power structure. The case first broke in August, 
when police uncovered a massive operation involving as many as 2,000 
severely abused children. When media reports began linking top 
Latvian officials to the case, a special parliamentary commission was 
formed to investigate.

In February 2000, the chairman of the commission delivered a report 
to Parliament linking the country's Prime Minister, Justice Minister, 
director of the State Revenue Service, and a number of army and law 
enforcement officers to the case. Efforts were immediately begun to 
discredit the commission chairman, including allegations that he is 
tied to the former KGB – a classic case of red-baiting, enabling the 
allegations to be dismissed as `Communist' propaganda.

The BBC reported in June of 1999 that two unnamed German men 
had "gone on trial, accused of running a child pornography ring in 
Germany, Poland and the Czech Republic." The pair, along with at 
least eleven identified but unindicted accomplices, "made video 
recordings of the gang sexually abusing children between the ages of 
three and 14 since 1993."

A large but unspecified quantity of "videos, photography, magazines 
and CD-ROMs containing child pornography were confiscated." Also 
noted was a possible connection to the Dutroux case: "There have been 
cases of Slovak children being taken to Vienna to make pornographic 
films. The Belgian paedophile Marc Dutroux… was a regular visitor to 
one Slovak town."

The BBC also filed a brief report on a 1996 case that went almost 
completely unreported in the English language press: "Mexican police 
broke up an international child pornography ring based in the resort 
of Acapulco which they said had at least four thousand clients in the 
United States," (emphasis added). A UN envoy investigating the case 
said that the "child pornography sometimes involved babies of less 
than one month old."

On September 29 of 2000, The Irish Times reported that: "Eight people 
were arrested in Italy and three in Russia, and police said 1,700 
people were being investigated in Italy," as yet another pedophile 
network surfaced. The images traded by this ring were "divided into 
several categories… The most gruesome, police said, was coded `Necros 
Pedo,' in which children were raped and tortured to death."

And so it is that we first confront that most disturbing of topics – 
snuff films, which we all know don't really exist. As recently as 
February of 1999, the New York Post assured readers that: "Snuff 
films are the stuff of urban legend … how did this legend get 
started? No one knows." The unfortunate truth though is that they do, 
as it turns out, actually exist, and they likely have existed for as 
long as film has existed, though they weren't always known by that 
name.

According to the Post: "The term `snuff' was actually coined during 
the Charles Manson case, when press reports repeated a rumor that the 
Manson `family' had filmed home movies of the brutal slayings." Other 
reports hold that the term was coined in 1976 by a writer for the New 
York Times who was in need of a phrase to describe reports of murders 
following sexual activity being captured on film.

Not long after that, as Carl Raschke wrote: "The Texas House Select 
Committee on Child Pornography disclosed in the late 1970s that 
investigators probing leads to organized crime in Houston, Dallas, 
and other major cities found that `slave' auctions for sixteen- and 
seventeen-year-old boys were routinely held in Mexico. Some of the 
boys were featured in brutal snuff or `slasher' movies."

Raschke also quotes from a study by U.S. mental health professionals 
that claimed that a child from Mexico "can be packaged, delivered, 
and sold deep within this country in a short time," and that many are 
purchased solely "for the purpose of killing." In Enslaved, Gordon 
Thomas reported that: "At the start of the year [1991] Britain's 
Scotland Yard was continuing to investigate reports that up to twenty 
children in London had been murdered last year in [snuff films] and 
the video tapes sold on the Continent."

An account of the Italian case carried by the Guardian affirmed the 
existence of snuff films: "police have discovered a massive 
international paedophile network selling violent child-pornography 
videos to clients in Italy, the US and Germany … (authorities are) 
trying to identify 5,000 people who are suspected of attempting to 
purchase the videos, some of which appear to contain images of 
children being tortured and murdered."

The UK's Independent, in a follow-up published in November of 2000, 
also confirmed that the seized materials did in fact include child 
snuff films: "Horrified investigators gathered images of more than 
2,000 children who were filmed while being abused, raped, and … 
killed." By that time, close to 1,500 people had been charged in the 
case, but not - as the Guardian noted - "those in high places who are 
believed to form a `paedophile lobby.'"

As in the Belgian and Latvian cases, there were clear indications of 
high-level complicity and a strong belief among the Italian people 
that the facts of the case were being covered up. And as with the 
other cases, the magistrate heading up the inquiry "provoked a furore 
by denouncing a `paedophile lobby' supported by politicians which he 
said openly obstructed the investigators and worked to prevent 
tougher sanctions for the consumers of child pornography," according 
to the Independent.


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