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NEWSFLASH:   NABLUS, West Bank (Reuters - 31 July, 7:11am ET) - At least five 
Palestinians were killed on Tuesday in an explosion in an office of the militant 
Muslim group Hamas in the West Bank city of Nablus, witnesses and ambulance workers 
said.   The witnesses said missiles fired from an Israeli aircraft hit the office. 
Ambulance workers at the scene said they saw at least five bodies.



                              IMPRISONED, TRAPPED, AND UNPREPARED BY ARAFAT

MID-EAST REALITIES � - www.MiddleEast.Org - Washington - 7/31:
    Arafat has once again trapped and imprisoned his own people -- keep reading.   
Wherever he has set up his headquarters corruption, repression, nepotism, and scandal 
have followed.  And always these realities of what we have termed the "Arafat regime" 
are exploited to further fracture and weaken the Palestinian people -- a people whose 
basic claim to independence, "return", and reparations should at this point be 
unassailable.   
    It was that way leading up to the Jordanian civil war in 1971, it was that way in 
Lebanon with Arafat fleeing leaving his people defenseless just before the horrible 
Sabra and Shatila Refugee Camp massacres in 1982, it was that way in distant exile in 
Tunisia, and it is that way in Gaza and the West Bank under the Arafat-created 
"Palestinian Authority".  
    This first article from Reuters today shows how helpless and defenseless 
individual Palestinians are under the agreements Arafat has signed.   The next two 
articles, the first from The Independent (London) and the second from Agence 
France-Presse (Paris), help explain the terrible circumstances in which Arafat has 
essentially trapped his own people who are still extraordinarily unprepared both on 
the ground and internationally to deal with what the Israelis are dishing out.



                        PALESTINIANS SAY ISRAELI SOLDIERS BEAT THEM
                                                     By Michael Carney
  
JERUSALEM, July 31 (Reuters) - The Israeli soldiers whistled, so Khaled Rawashdeh 
pulled his yellow Palestinian taxi to the side of the Samou'-Hebron road in the West 
Bank. But instead of engaging in what Palestinians call the usual routine of 
humiliation and harassment, a dozen soldiers beat Rawashdeh and eight other 
Palestinians for two hours, the taxi driver said, according to a complaint he filed 
with a human rights group. 

"We were nine men standing in a line...and the soldiers continued beating us as if 
they were playing a game," Rawashdeh told Israel's B'Tselem organisation, which has 
investigated numerous reports of brutality since a Palestinian uprising erupted in 
September. "I saw one of the soldiers run from his position, six meters (20 feet) 
away, and kick one of the men in the stomach," Rawashdeh said two days after being 
released from hospital. "They also threw stones at us and beat us with their hands and 
their gun butts." 

The soldiers also destroyed two taxis and stole about $300, according to four 
complaints filed with B'Tselem. 

The Israeli army confirmed that its soldiers behaved in a "violent manner" and were 
being investigated by military police, but said it had no information about the 
alleged theft. The army mentioned only one taxi in its response. 
                         
"In the next 24 hours the investigation will be concluded, and at that time any 
soldier found to be connected with this event will be tried and severely punished," an 
army spokeswoman told Reuters on Monday.   Tensions between Israelis and Palestinians 
have worsened dramatically since a Palestinian uprising against occupation in the West 
Bank and Gaza Strip began 10 months ago.  The army is also investigating reports of 
regular harassment and brutality at a checkpoint in the West Bank city of Hebron, a 
review announced on the same day the soldiers stopped Rawashdeh and another taxi 
driver, Muhammad a-Salamin. 

The soldiers, lounging alongside their jeep, whistled and motioned for the taxis to 
pull over near the Palestinian village of Karma.  "When I stopped near the jeep, one 
of the soldiers came towards us and took my ID card and those of the passengers and 
told me to get out of the car," said Rawashdeh, 36.   "Another soldier got into the 
taxi and opened the glove compartment. He threw the documents, the cassettes and the 
money that were in the glove compartment on the floor of the taxi." 

The soldiers then chased away three women, a child and an elderly man who had been 
passengers in the taxis, the Palestinians say.   "The soldier dragged me behind the 
jeep...and started beating me while swearing and yelling in Arabic," passenger 
Muhammad Sufia, 21, told B'Tselem. "He hit me on the left ear with the butt of his 
gun. He took a metal helmet from the jeep and hit me.  "I was crying and screaming," 
said Sufia, who lost consciousness and awoke on Tuesday in a Hebron hospital. 

The reports describe severe beatings in which the soldiers punched and kicked the 
Palestinians from the West Bank village of Samou', who were also forced -- at gunpoint 
-- to strike one another. By all indications, the attack was unprovoked. "One of the 
soldiers pulled my hair hard and ordered me to beat the man who was standing next to 
me," passenger Mahmoud Muhammad Hawamdeh, 22, told B'Tselem. "I hesitated at first, 
but the soldier started hitting me on the head and shouting at me to beat the person 
next to me." 

"I hit him with my fist three times," Hawamdeh, a student, said. "They then turned to 
that person and told him to hit me back. He hit me twice."  The Palestinians say the 
soldiers also forced Rawashdeh and a-Salamin to drive across a rock-strewn field, 
where the Israelis reportedly smashed windows, punctured tyres and slashed upholstery. 
 The army confirmed one of its soldiers punctured the tires. 

"They broke the windshield," a-Salamin, 28, told investigators. "One of the soldiers 
grabbed me by the hair, turned my head around and said: 'Look at your vehicle, pretty 
isn't it? If we broke the rear window it would look even better."'  The Palestinians 
say they were chased away after two hours, pelted with rocks and forced to abandon the 
two taxis. 

"I ran away toward the storage rooms and from there, I could see the jeep's license 
plate," a-Salamin said. "I will never forget the number - 6100210." 




                        PALESTINIANS IMPRISONED BY ARAFAT'S FLAWED DEAL
                                                       By Phil Reeves in Hebron

[The Independent - 28 July 2001]:  Wars create lies as fast as corpses. Take "curfew" 
and "closure". What nice, cool, BBC Radio 4 kind of words.  Isn't curfew the word you 
use when you order your stroppy teenager to stay at home after a night out on the 
Special Brew? And "closure" sounds like a road, blocked off because of flooding. 

But the Arabs of Hebron know other meanings.  They know that "closure" means economic 
misery, and "curfew" means to be imprisoned for up to 24 hours a day, under threat of 
being arrested, beaten, jailed or shot for "looking suspicious" if they so much as 
stray beyond their doorstep. The king of lying, Jeffrey Archer, has more freedom. 

Three British aid agencies � Oxfam, Christian Aid and Save the Children � have warned 
this week that violence, insecurity and poverty in the West Bank and Gaza Strip could 
turn an already dire situation into "a full-scale humanitarian crisis". 

They said that nearly two thirds � some 64 per cent � of Palestinian households now 
live below the poverty line, and an estimated 74 per cent of the 3 million Palestinian 
population qualify for emergency food assistance from the United Nations.   There 
were, they noted, disturbing indications that the population's ability to cope with 
the cumulative effects of "closure" � better described as a siege � is coming to an 
end. 

Hebron, once a flourishing West Bank city, has felt the brunt more than most. The 
entire city has been blockaded by the Israeli army for months. But the 35,000 Arabs 
living in the Israeli-controlled sector have been under curfew for more than 128 days 
since last September. I went there the other day, on a bright summer's mid-afternoon. 
Streets that I remember as full of activity before the Palestinian intifada were 
utterly deserted. 

A small boy was flying a kite from a rooftop, searching in the sky for the freedom 
denied to him on the ground. The babble of TV sets and bursts of conversation, muffled 
by the thick walls of Hebron's old stone houses, occasionally interrupted the hush.   
One had the surreal sense that everyone was hiding, waiting to leap out and shout 
"Surprise!" 

>From time to time, an Israeli army jeep thundered through, checking that everyone was 
>locked away. But no one was on the streets, except for some Israeli soldiers, loading 
>a lorry, and a few armed Jewish settlers, whose presence in this overwhelmingly Arab 
>city has provided Israel with a reason for imposing this misery. 

Although the sun was high, it was as quiet as the dead of night � in contrast to the 
frenetic, teeming day of the market place on the city's Arab side a few hundred yards 
away, or to the hum of the fenced-in Jewish settlement of neighbouring Kiryat Arba, an 
oasis of wide roads, modern buildings and green lawns through which we drove to get 
into Hebron. (No one bothers with euphemisms there; "No Arabs," announced the armed 
security guard at the electric iron gate, as he glowered into our car before letting 
us through). 

Hebron's imprisoned residents are now seeing the results of an agreement concluded in 
1997 by Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli Prime Minister of the day, and the Palestinian 
leader Yasser Arafat, the flaws of which are becoming more cruelly apparent. Eighty 
per cent of the city of 120,000 people was handed to the Palestinians, who assumed 
control over municipal services � local security, education, health, traffic and so 
on. 

But Israel kept all the main levers of power including crucial parts of the city's 
infrastructure, such as water and electricity. The other 20 per cent of the city also 
remained in its hands on the staggering basis of protecting some 450 Jewish settlers � 
many recent immigrants. They refuse to budge from a city in which they form 0.03 per 
cent of the population because they see it as historically and religiously their own. 

Their continued presence � armed by the Israel Defence Forces, guarded by thousands of 
troops � laid the ground for the inter-communal strife that has now erupted. The 
agreement meant that the Israeli army remained in overall charge, controlling the 
entrances, and looming over the city from an army base on a hill to the south. 

Hebron became a model in miniature of the larger configuration of power and control 
that Israel was using the Oslo negotiations to establish in the West Bank and Gaza 
Strip: an island of limited Palestinian autonomy, cut off from the outside world and 
set in a landscape which Israel rules. 

No one understands this better than Mustafa Abdel-Nabi Natshe, the Palestinian Mayor 
of Hebron. During the Oslo negotiations, he pressed Mr Arafat not to sign a deal that 
allowed the 450 settlers to stay, perpetuating a terrible fault-line between the 
city's two communities, which now produces almost daily acts of horror � the killing, 
for instance, of a  10-month-old settler baby by a Palestinian sniper, or the killing 
by the army of unarmed Arabs, and the bombardment of Palestinian homes with tanks . 

Mr Natshe is surely right when he says that life is "becoming more and more 
unbearable". The industrial zone in H2, the Israeli-controlled part of Hebron, is 
closed. Electricity has been regularly interrupted, not least because Israeli tanks 
shelled the transformers. Businesses have been ruined. 

And in a hospital intensive care unit nearby, lies one of the latest victims � 
10-year-old Marwar Ishrif. She has a bullet in the head, which hit her as she slept in 
bed. There aren't many nice, cool BBC Radio 4 words to sum all this up. But curfew and 
closure won't do. 

[For background on the Hebron Agreement that led to this situation:  
http://www.MiddleEast.Org/archives/hebron.htm]



                                            PALESTINIANS ILL-PREPARED FOR ISRAELI 
OFFENSIVE
 
NABLUS, West Bank, July 28 (AFP) - Even if the threat of an outright offensive by the 
Israelis is to be taken seriously, there is virtually no evidence of Palestinian 
preparedness for such a move.  "We are not left with many options. All we can do is 
stock food, medicines and get our emergency units ready", Nablus governor Mahmud 
al-Allul told AFP.  "We have given instructions to our forces posted at the entrances 
of the autonomous zones to redeploy in case of an attack" in order to retreat to safer 
sectors, said Allul, a high-ranking civil and military official.

"We can fight against Israeli infantrymen, but it will be a lot more difficult to 
resist tanks, helicopter attacks or shooting coming from the hills which overlook the 
city", the governor pointed out.  Yet in Nablus, as in all West Bank cities and towns, 
it is difficult to detect any sign of preparations to face a major military offensive. 
Nothing has been done to replace or even beef up the simple defence of sandbags around 
Palestinian posts: no concrete shelters, not even any trenches.

Colonel Abdel Hai Abdel al-Wahed, in charge of civilian security for the whole of the 
West Bank, complains of "a total lack of coordination between the various civilian and 
police services".  A high-ranking West Bank security official told AFP that Yasser 
Arafat's Palestinian Authority "does not even have a plan taking into account the 
various scenarios" of an Israeli attack.

When an outright offensive seemed imminent six weeks ago, the National Islamic Forces 
-- a Palestinian coalition of 13 movements including Arafat's Fatah, as well as 
Islamic Jihad and Hamas -- called on Nablus residents to prepare Molotov cocktails 
with which to attack Israeli tanks.  Hamas even urged volunteers to prepare explosive 
belts to be used in suicide attacks against the occupying forces.

Last week, the same coalition distributed flyers calling on the population to "be on 
alert and ready to defend its land", while giving no guidance or instructions to that 
effect.   The makeshift defence strategy coupled with the calls for mobilisation leave 
more than one West Bank Palestinian bemused.  "I suggest we prepare stocks of stones, 
it'll be more effective", says a sarcastic refugee from the Dheisheh camp near 
Bethlehem.

On several occasions Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has ruled out an all-out 
offensive against the Palestinian Authority, because of the international 
complications it would create for Israel and because it is not in the Jewish state's 
interest to reoccupy Palestinian urban centres. On this point many Palestinians agree 
with the hardline Israeli leader, including those directly involved in the conflict 
that has torn the region apart since last September.

"I am expecting the Israeli army to carry out repeated incursions, to create buffer 
zones (where it may shoot on sight), to step up assassinations (of Palestinian 
activists), but not to launch a global offensive", said an anonymous member of the 
Fatah's armed wing in the West Bank town of Ramallah.






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