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WSWS : News & Analysis : South & Central America : Argentina
Wall Street loots Argentine workers’ pensions
By Cesar Uco
20 August 2001
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One of the most important but least known aspects of the current Argentine
crisis is the looting of workers’ pension funds by the Buenos Aires
government, local banks and Wall Street. Billions of dollars in savings by
public employees and other workers are to be put up as collateral as part of
the government’s “patriotic call” to rescue Argentina from defaulting on its
$130 billion foreign debt.
The prospect of default has thrown the government and the Argentine
bourgeoisie into panic. In order to appease foreign investors, President
Fernando De La Rua last month imposed an unpopular “zero deficit” plan that
cuts salaries and pensions by 13 percent, while raising taxes.
Argentine workers have responded to these measures with several one-day
general strikes that paralyzed Buenos Aires, a metropolitan center of 12
million people. Schoolteachers went on strike the same day children
returned to classes. The strike wave includes hospital workers and doctors.
The unemployed, who make up 16 percent of the working population, are
staging a series of roadblocks, bringing traffic to a standstill. The jobless
have also occupied government buildings and fierce confrontations with the
police are taking place.
The chief of police expressed fear that the city’s 18,000 policemen are
unreliable because half of his men live below the poverty line and are
suffering from the cuts. He warned that his forces could defy orders to
repress the unemployed movement, saying it would be a confrontation of “the
poor with the poor.”
The crisis of confidence in the Argentine financial system has affected broad
masses of people. The Argentine daily El Clarín estimated that close to “$7.4
billion in deposits, or about 9 percent” were lost in July “as Argentines
withdrew their savings out of concern that the government may default on its
debt or devalue the currency by breaking a decade-old fixed exchange rate
with the US dollar.” Due to withdrawals, the banks lost approximately “$354
million a day,” according to El Clarín.
The 1990s
In the 1990s, the Peronist government of Carlos Menem carried out a
program of privatizations, deregulation and the Convertibility Plan—tying the
value of the Argentine peso directly to the US dollar—which it claimed would
bring prosperity to Argentina. While these measures produced handsome
profits for foreign banks and enriched a tiny elite of Argentine bankers and
businessmen, it did so at the expense of the masses.
Because these measures are similar to those undertaken throughout the so-
called “emerging markets” over the past decade, the way in which
Argentina’s private pension funds are being looted to save the country from
default is a warning to workers internationally. Similar measures are being
prepared in the major capitalist countries, such as the US, where George W.
Bush has proposed changes in the structure of the Social Security system
to allow workers to “bet” their savings in the volatile stock markets.
Under conditions of a sustained growth in the world’s stock markets in the
1990s, Menem’s policies of privatization and deregulation succeeded in
attracting foreign investors to Argentina. The privatization of state-owned
enterprises provided the government with billions in cash. While a sizable
share of this income was siphoned off by corruption, it also created a
temporary period of growth, with the Argentine GDP rising by 8.7 percent in
1992, 6 percent in 1993 and 7.4 percent in 1994. It fell by 4.6 percent in
1995, due partially to the Mexican crisis, but rose again in 1997. With the
Asian crisis the following year, economic output declined sharply, and hasn’t
recovered since.
A central piece of Menem’s economic program was the creation of private
workers pension funds, called Insurers of Retirement and Pension Funds,
and known by the Spanish acronym AFJP. The ostensible purpose of the
AFJPs was to generate domestic savings to further economic growth and job
creation.
But instead of long-term investment in industry, what dominated the
Argentine economy for most of the 1990s was the churning of the stock
market by what are known in Spanish as “fondos golondrinas,” or “swallow
funds”—because, like swallows, they freely fly in and out. The removal of all
restrictions on foreign investment and capital repatriation created the
opportunity for foreign capital to make a quick profit and leave the country as
soon as the situation deteriorated, making Argentina ever more susceptible
to international crises.
Wall Street preys on pensions
Under these ground rules, the AFJPs fell prey to the insatiable greed of
foreign and domestic capital. For the past several years, the funds received
about $300 million in monthly contributions from workers. This money, which
today amounts to tens of billions of dollars, was invested primarily in the
Argentine stock market and government bonds. Thanks to the AFJPs,
Argentina boasts the largest domestic debt and securities markets of any of
the so-called “emerging market” countries.
In the early 1990s, foreign banks quickly jumped in, offering sophisticated
derivatives products that allowed the AFJPs to invest in virtually any market
in the world. Wall Street took advantage of the inexperience of the funds’
managers. The AFJPs regulatory body incorrectly estimated the dollar value
of these products, allowing foreign banks to overcharge for them and reap
enormous profits. (Had the US banks done such deals with inexperienced
US clients, they could have been sued and found guilty, as Bankers Trust
was sued by Procter & Gamble and other US customers.)
Argentine local banks also found a way of profiting from workers’ pension
funds. The fluke in pricing by the AFJP regulators allowed local banks to
borrow at sub-LIBOR rates (below the base interest paid on deposits in the
Eurodollar market). Next, the banks invested the borrowed money in
Argentine bonds that paid LIBOR plus a significant spread due to Argentine
risk. (The spread above LIBOR measures the risk that a country may default.
Thus, the higher the risk of default, the higher the spread a country has to
pay for borrowing money.)
This operation was made possible through the creation of a floating rate
certificate known in Spanish as DIVA—for Variable Interest Deposit—that the
local banks sold to the pension funds.
A DIVA is essentially a bet in the stock market. If, at the end of a two-year
period, stocks appreciate, the funds receive huge returns, but if instead
stock prices remain the same or decline, the funds receive zero interest on
their investments. The DIVA program was a partnership between local and
foreign banks—the locals issued the debt certificates and Wall Street banks
provided the return on the investment, if any. Since most DIVA returns were
linked to the Buenos Aires stock market index, the MERVAL, which has
been in decline since the Asian crisis in 1998, an amount in the order of $1
billion in DIVAs ended up paying zero interest.
Thus, the end result of the DIVA program was: (a) as long as the
Convertibility Plan remained in place, guaranteeing parity between the
Argentine peso and the US dollar, local banks were borrowing as if they were
a risk as good as the US government, and lending to an emerging
market—Argentina—without taking any emerging market risk, netting the
whole spread as profits; and (b) the pension funds got zero return on their
investments.
Today’s crisis
As if the DIVA fraud was not enough, the abuse of the pension funds
continues today, with De La Rua’s plan calling upon the AFJPs to play a
central role in saving the country from default. Of the $4.8 billion the
government plans to raise to remain afloat, the lion’s share is to come out of
the AFJPs. The pension funds will contribute $2.3 billion between August
and December.
According to El Clarín, AFJP contributions “will begin in August with $650
million—$250 million on August 3, $150 million on August 9 and $250 million
by the end of the month.”
“In exchange,” writes El Clarín, the pension funds “will receive trust
certificates to a special fund with Argentine bonds as the main assets. The
trust will mature on 2006. This financial engineering was used to allow
AFJPs to invest in Argentine bonds at levels above the limits imposed by
law.”
Just as foreign and local banks abused the AFJPs during the 1990s to reap
super-profits, now the Argentine government in the name of “patriotism” will
exploit the retirement accounts of the Argentine people in order to avoid, or
postpone defaulting on its debt.
Not only will retired workers see their monthly checks cut by 13 percent as
the “zero deficit” plan is implemented, but the pension funds themselves,
upon which their retirements depend, are being mortgaged to the success of
the De La Rua government.
If Argentina goes under, the billions in government bonds held by the AFJPs
will dramatically lose value. Thus, if the “zero deficit” plan succeeds, workers
will suffer disastrous wage cuts; and if it fails, it could take workers pension
funds down with it.
One might think that with the threat of an Argentine default—and its
dangerous implications for the world financial system—Wall Street banks
would proceed with caution. On the contrary, US and European finance
houses are searching for new ways of profiting off of the crisis by making
deals that threaten to bring Argentina even closer to the brink.
Thus, the bond market stumbled recently when an unidentified US bank
failed to deliver $30 million in floating rate Brady bonds (FRB) to a local
Argentine bank. In a purely speculative trade, the US bank had agreed to sell
bonds that it didn’t have, betting that their value would decline due to the
Argentine crisis by the time it had buy and deliver them. The bank relied on
being able to “lease” the bonds on the market, but found that there were no
more bonds to be had because other foreign banks were speculating in the
same fashion.
While Argentina’s finance minister Domingo Cavallo has threatened to
impose restrictions on bond trades to put a halt to these speculative
transactions, El Clarín warned that any regulatory measures could anger
Wall Street, and that investors “may stop trading Argentine paper altogether,”
intensifying the crisis.
The first government to develop a private pension fund system in Latin
America was the ruthless regime of Augusto Pinochet in Chile, as part of an
economic program designed by Milton Freeman and his “Chicago boys.” The
Chilean model became successful mainly because it was imposed upon the
working class at the point of a gun. Currently it is in use in Argentina and
Peru and increasingly European governments invoke the policy as a means
to dismantle the welfare state.
Copyright 1998-2001
World Socialist Web Site
All rights reserved

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