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               WAR ON TERROR FACES WEIGHT OF HISTORY
                                         By Jonathan Lyons

                       "What we need instead is an open 
                         public and civil debate on policy. 
                         Sending in troops will have  
                         absolutely no effect and will be 
                         entirely futile." 
                                           Hamid Dabashi
                                           Columbia University

WASHINGTON (Reuters - 17 September):   As Americans struggle to come to terms with the 
"why?" of Tuesday's devastating attacks on New York and Washington, a number of 
experts 
on Islam point to what they see as decades of neglect and misguided U.S. policy toward 
the 
Muslim world.

Surely the assault on symbols of the nation's financial and military power was the 
unprovoked
work of madmen, many people say. But was it?

Absolutely not, say several academic experts. They cite powerful historical, religious 
and
economic grievances against the West, symbolized by the United States at least since 
1972, when
it replaced Britain as the dominant power in the Middle East.

"Since 1972, we've been on a death-march into the politics of the Islamic world," 
William
Beeman, an expert on Middle East culture at Rhode Island's Brown University, told 
Reuters.
"We've had no comprehensive policy on the Middle East for many decades.

"This was a despicable act, but it was definitely rational," said Beeman, who noted 
the hijackers
were educated, intelligent and able to fit undetected into U.S. society.

"If you say they are madmen, it allows you to do anything in response," said John 
Esposito,
Director of the Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding at Georgetown University.

"The terrorists demonize us and that allows them to do what they did. We will sink to 
the same
level of barbarism," Esposito said.

Instead, say these and other experts, the United States must mine the historical 
record of the
Islamic world and critically reassess its own Middle East policy. That would, they 
argue, reveal
much about the best ways to respond. 

                           MEMORIES OF GREATNESS

"The grievance is both historical and contemporary," said Hamid Dabashi, a scholar at 
Columbia
University. "But this has to be understood in the memory of Islam as a world power."

That began to unravel with Napoleon's invasion of Egypt and the defeat of the Persian 
and
Ottoman empires at the hands of the Russians and other Europeans in the early 19th 
century -- a
period that forced an unsuspecting Islamic world to confront its weakness in the face 
of the
West.

"Islam emerged as a dialogue with the West -- the point at which it ceased to be a 
universal
religion and became an ideology and a political response to colonialism," said 
Dabashi, author of
"Theology of Discontent," which chronicles part of this evolution.

Osama bin Laden, the Saudi-born militant singled out by President Bush as a prime 
suspect in
the attacks, clearly subscribes to this vision.

In a religious decree in 1998, bin Laden gave religious sanction to attacks on 
Americans in order
to drive U.S. troops from "the lands of Islam in the holiest of places" -- a clear 
reference to Saudi
Arabia, home to the faith's most sacred site, Mecca.

He and his associates also repeatedly refer to Americans as "crusaders," invoking the 
medieval
invasion of the Holy Lands, then under Muslim control, by Christian Europeans.

"You can hear the weight of the ages in the rhetoric of individuals like bin Laden, 
but he is not
specifically anti-American," said Beeman. "He just wants us out of there." 

                              ANGRY MUSLIM MIDDLE CLASS

But it is not simply bin Laden and other militants who see the world's superpower as an
economic, political and cultural force to be resisted. Increasingly, says Georgetown's 
Esposito,
the growing Muslim middle class takes a similar view.

"There are many people in the Muslim world who are not extremists -- business people,
professionals -- who feel the United States is a hegemon, politically and 
economically," Esposito
said.

Feeding their anger, he said, is unqualified U.S. support for Israel against the 
Palestinians, the
bombing and sanctions against Iraq and backing for unpopular regional rulers.

"For them, the United States is part of the problem. A lot of people hate American 
foreign
policy, and many of them are mainstream. This creates conditions for radicalism."

In such an environment, symbols of power like the World Trade Center and the Pentagon 
emerge
for some as natural targets. "When you emasculate a culture for 200 years and tell 
them they are
nothing, they will target the most potent symbols of your power," said Dabashi.

Nor should the very fact of the attacks come as such a complete surprise, growing as 
they have
from what Beeman called "a long, long, long litany of insults by Europeans," including 
the
creation of the state of Israel in 1948.

"The events that led to the Iranian revolution (against the U.S.-backed monarch) are 
perceived as
the same that led to this event. The historical pattern is very, very old, a 
continuation of the
same kind of events," said Beeman.

If such analysis is correct, then what of the head-long U.S. push toward war and 
retribution,
which U.S. planners suggest may involve a vast military presence in the region?

"What we need instead is an open public and civil debate on policy. Sending in troops 
will have
absolutely no effect and will be entirely futile," said Dabashi.

"The presence of U.S. troops (now in Saudi Arabia) is a concrete denial of Islam as a 
world
power. It is going to be even more catastrophic if more (Western) troops enter Muslim 
lands," he
said.

"Then George Bush will be right -- this will truly be the first 21st-century war."






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