-Caveat Lector-

http://www.smh.com.au/news/0109/25/opinion/opinion2.html


The Afghan rebel whose warnings the US ignored


Washington has now realised that in quietly endorsing the Taliban seven
years ago, it was backing the wrong camp, writes Amin Saikal.

The crisis in the United States might have been avoided had Washington
heeded the now-slain leader of the Afghan anti-Taliban forces, the
legendary Commander Ahmed Shah Massoud, who repeatedly warned that the
triangular alliance between the Taliban, Osama bin Laden and Pakistan was
turning Afghanistan into a major menace against world stability.

Washington's failure to help Massoud cost both him and the US dearly.
Massoud died in a suicide bombing attack by two Arabs on September 9. The
assassination was apparently organised by bin Laden. Two days later the US
fell victim to the worst terrorist attacks in history. Why did the US fail
to act earlier over Afghanistan, and is it now able to act responsibly to
address the root causes of the crisis?

The bin Laden-Taliban-Pakistan (or more specifically Pakistan's military
intelligence - ISI) alliance is not a new development. It dates to mid-1994
when Pakistan orchestrated the extremist Taliban militia as the most
appropriate force to secure a compliant government in post-communist
Afghanistan. At the time, the ISI and CIA were close allies, and the US
quietly endorsed the Taliban's entry onto the Afghan scene with Pakistan's
military and logistical support (and Saudi and United Arab Emirates
financial backing because the latter states wanted an anti-Iranian leverage
in Afghanistan).

The US also showed no qualms when bin Laden threw the weight of his wealth
and Arab connections behind the Taliban and moved into Afghanistan in 1996.

Washington viewed the anti-Iranian character of the Taliban, and their
purported ability to secure a direct corridor through Afghanistan into the
newly independent but resource-rich former Soviet Central Asian Muslim
republics, as beneficial. It paid no attention to the possible medium- to
long-term consequences.

Even after the Taliban takeover of Kabul in mid-1996, Washington ignored
Massoud's bitter complaint that an ugly and dangerous alliance was
developing between Arab and non-Arab groups, and refused to provide him
with the necessary help to combat a complete Taliban takeover of
Afghanistan.

If it had not been for bin Laden's masterminding the bombing of US
embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in August 1998, Washington might have
continued to overlook all of bin Laden's anti-US postures and the Taliban's
human rights violations. Although it launched a retaliatory cruise missile
attack on bin Laden's training camps in Afghanistan, Washington continued
to pursue a policy of "no support to any Afghan faction". It overlooked the
fact that bin Laden's money and Arab and Pakistani recruits were rapidly
changing the balance against the moderate Islamic government of
Afghanistan, whom Massoud and his Northern Alliance represented and which
still occupied Afghanistan's seat at the United Nations.

It refrained from naming Pakistan as a state sponsoring terrorism, or
putting maximum pressure on Pakistani governments to rein in the ISI and to
close its territory as the only outlet through which bin Laden, his
associates and their Taliban protectors could get in and out of
Afghanistan.

The Clinton Administration seemed deterred by the view that too much
pressure on Pakistan, both bankrupt and nuclear-armed, might lead the
country to implode, with serious consequences. Its attempts from last year
to co-ordinate policies with Moscow and New Delhi to pressure the Taliban
to curb narcotics production and hand over bin Laden proved to be
half-baked and too late.

By now the Taliban and their Arab and Pakistani allies had taken over most
of Afghanistan, confining Massoud to the north-eastern quarter and a few
areas north of Kabul. Massoud found it imperative, however, to continue the
resistance as the only means to a political settlement of the Afghan
conflict. He expanded the resistance and, with some financial assistance
and arms from India, Iran and Russia, was able to frustrate his opponents.
He had been the target of many Taliban-Pakistani assassination attempts,
but finally when he was ready to go on offensives, his enemies succeeded in
eliminating him.

His death is a blow to his forces, but Massoud has left a number of
excellent commanders and a solid structure to ensure the continuation of
the resistance.

Now that the US has finally come to share Massoud's cause in support of
freedom and against terror, it must act prudently not to disappoint all
those Afghans and other Muslims who applauded Massoud's stand either loudly
or quietly. Massoud's forces, now under the command of his successor,
General Qasim Fahim, are ready to help the Americans. The US must act in
concert with these forces and assist them to achieve what is required.

Its actions must have several important political objectives: to rebuild
Afghanistan under a genuinely broad-based government; and to quell anti-US
feeling by resolving the Palestinian problem and lifting sanctions against
Iraq.

----------

Professor Amin Saikal is director of the Centre for Arab and Islamic
Studies (the Middle East and Central Asia) at the Australian National
University.

================================================================
             Kadosh, Kadosh, Kadosh, YHVH, TZEVAOT

   FROM THE DESK OF:

           *Michael Spitzer* <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

  The Best Way To Destroy Enemies Is To Change Them To Friends
================================================================
----- Original Message -----
From: "Scott Jordan" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: "CAS" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Monday, September 24, 2001 8:05 PM
Subject: So it *is* a CAS: SMH: The Afghan rebel whose warnings the US
ignored


> http://www.smh.com.au/news/0109/25/opinion/opinion2.html
>
> The Afghan rebel whose warnings the US ignored
>
> Washington has now realised that in quietly endorsing the Taliban seven
> years ago, it was backing the wrong camp, writes Amin Saikal.
>
> The crisis in the United States might have been avoided had Washington
> heeded the now-slain leader of the Afghan anti-Taliban forces, the
legendary
> Commander Ahmed Shah Massoud, who repeatedly warned that the triangular
> alliance between the Taliban, Osama bin Laden and Pakistan was turning
> Afghanistan into a major menace against world stability.
>
> Washington's failure to help Massoud cost both him and the US dearly.
> Massoud died in a suicide bombing attack by two Arabs on September 9. The
> assassination was apparently organised by bin Laden. Two days later the
US
> fell victim to the worst terrorist attacks in history. Why did the US
fail
> to act earlier over Afghanistan, and is it now able to act responsibly to
> address the root causes of the crisis?
>
> The bin Laden-Taliban-Pakistan (or more specifically Pakistan's military
> intelligence - ISI) alliance is not a new development. It dates to
mid-1994
> when Pakistan orchestrated the extremist Taliban militia as the most
> appropriate force to secure a compliant government in post-communist
> Afghanistan. At the time, the ISI and CIA were close allies, and the US
> quietly endorsed the Taliban's entry onto the Afghan scene with
Pakistan's
> military and logistical support (and Saudi and United Arab Emirates
> financial backing because the latter states wanted an anti-Iranian
leverage
> in Afghanistan).
>
> The US also showed no qualms when bin Laden threw the weight of his
wealth
> and Arab connections behind the Taliban and moved into Afghanistan in
1996.
>
> Washington viewed the anti-Iranian character of the Taliban, and their
> purported ability to secure a direct corridor through Afghanistan into
the
> newly independent but resource-rich former Soviet Central Asian Muslim
> republics, as beneficial. It paid no attention to the possible medium- to
> long-term consequences.
>
> Even after the Taliban takeover of Kabul in mid-1996, Washington ignored
> Massoud's bitter complaint that an ugly and dangerous alliance was
> developing between Arab and non-Arab groups, and refused to provide him
with
> the necessary help to combat a complete Taliban takeover of Afghanistan.
>
> If it had not been for bin Laden's masterminding the bombing of US
embassies
> in Kenya and Tanzania in August 1998, Washington might have continued to
> overlook all of bin Laden's anti-US postures and the Taliban's human
rights
> violations. Although it launched a retaliatory cruise missile attack on
bin
> Laden's training camps in Afghanistan, Washington continued to pursue a
> policy of "no support to any Afghan faction". It overlooked the fact that
> bin Laden's money and Arab and Pakistani recruits were rapidly changing
the
> balance against the moderate Islamic government of Afghanistan, whom
Massoud
> and his Northern Alliance represented and which still occupied
Afghanistan's
> seat at the United Nations.
>
> It refrained from naming Pakistan as a state sponsoring terrorism, or
> putting maximum pressure on Pakistani governments to rein in the ISI and
to
> close its territory as the only outlet through which bin Laden, his
> associates and their Taliban protectors could get in and out of
Afghanistan.
>
> The Clinton Administration seemed deterred by the view that too much
> pressure on Pakistan, both bankrupt and nuclear-armed, might lead the
> country to implode, with serious consequences. Its attempts from last
year
> to
> co-ordinate policies with Moscow and New Delhi to pressure the Taliban to
> curb narcotics production and hand over bin Laden proved to be half-baked
> and too late.
>
> By now the Taliban and their Arab and Pakistani allies had taken over
most
> of Afghanistan, confining Massoud to the north-eastern quarter and a few
> areas north of Kabul. Massoud found it imperative, however, to continue
the
> resistance as the only means to a political settlement of the Afghan
> conflict. He expanded the resistance and, with some financial assistance
and
> arms from India, Iran and Russia, was able to frustrate his opponents. He
> had been the target of many Taliban-Pakistani assassination attempts, but
> finally when he was ready to go on offensives, his enemies succeeded in
> eliminating him.
>
> His death is a blow to his forces, but Massoud has left a number of
> excellent commanders and a solid structure to ensure the continuation of
the
> resistance.
>
> Now that the US has finally come to share Massoud's cause in support of
> freedom and against terror, it must act prudently not to disappoint all
> those Afghans and other Muslims who applauded Massoud's stand either
loudly
> or quietly. Massoud's forces, now under the command of his successor,
> General Qasim Fahim, are ready to help the Americans. The US must act in
> concert with these forces and assist them to achieve what is required.
>
> Its actions must have several important political objectives: to rebuild
> Afghanistan under a genuinely broad-based government; and to quell
anti-US
> feeling by resolving the Palestinian problem and lifting sanctions
against
> Iraq.
>
> ----------
>
> Professor Amin Saikal is director of the Centre for Arab and Islamic
Studies
> (the Middle East and Central Asia) at the Australian National University.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> _________________________________________________________
> Do You Yahoo!?
> Get your free @yahoo.com address at http://mail.yahoo.com
>
>
>
==========================================================================
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