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Peace at any cost is a Prelude to War!

STRATFOR GLOBAL INTELLIGENCE UPDATE
Examining the war plan
U.S. must create theaters of operations

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Editor's note: In partnership with Stratfor, the global intelligence company,
WorldNetDaily publishes daily updates on international affairs provided by
the respected private research and analysis firm. Look for fresh updates each
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© 2001 WorldNetDaily.com

In responding to the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, Washington must face an
enemy with numerous strengths while avoiding playing into the strategy of
Osama bin Laden and his backers. To achieve its goals, the United States must
create several theaters of operations, including in Afghanistan, North
America and throughout the world.

The Sept. 11 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon
paralyzed the New York financial markets for four days and shut down the air
transport system completely for a similar period of time. The attacks also
degraded the U.S. economy substantially, both by its direct effects on
economic activity and by its impact on public confidence.

Washington has asserted, with reason, that the attacks were organized by
al-Qaida, a group founded by Osama bin Laden. The United States must take
into account the strengths of its formidable enemy. For their part, bin
Laden's forces and Afghanistan's ruling Taliban have likely developed a war
plan to exploit the perceived weaknesses of the United States.

Several factors point to a degree of sophistication and dedication among the
attackers that is extraordinary. First, they maintained operational security
while moving personnel and large sums of money intercontinentally. They
clearly understood the parameters of U.S. technical and human intelligence
and developed methods for evading them.

Second, the selected targets were also chosen for both symbolic value and the
ability to inflict massive casualties and tremendous secondary effects. There
is no reason whatever to believe the attackers did not understand the likely
outcome of their operation.

Last, the operational security of the organization behind the attacks was not
breached after the strikes. U.S. security and intelligence services clearly
cannot be certain at this point whether other cells have been deployed in the
United States and what their missions might be. If there are additional
cells, they retain the advantage of tactical surprise at the moment. And even
if there are no additional cells, the United States must still behave as if
there are.

The goals of al-Qaida's members are essentially simple. They see the Islamic
world as occupied by non-Islamic forces, either directly or through puppet
regimes. They wish to end the occupation and unite Islam. The United States,
as the leading power in the world and the patron of many Islamic regimes, is
the center of gravity of the anti-Islamic world. If the United States can be
broken, or at least expelled from the Islamic world, other anti-Islamic
powers such as Russia, China and Israel will crumble.

Al-Qaida does not expect to destroy the United States directly. It fully
understands the severe limits on its resources. Rather, bin Laden's strategy
is to force the United States into a series of actions that will destabilize
the governments of Washington's Islamic partners and lead to their collapse.
For instance, such an outcome could occur for Islamic countries that
cooperate – due to pressure by Washington – with the U.S. campaign against
terrorism.

A collapse would likely force the United States into a direct occupation of
these countries, exposing U.S. forces to attacks on terrain favorable to the
enemy. In such an occupation, be it in Indonesia or Morocco, bin Laden is
confident his forces could generate an uprising against the United States
that would force its withdrawal.

Bin Laden does not believe the United States could defeat an uprising for
several reasons. First, the experience of foreign powers in suppressing mass,
popular uprisings has been poor. Second, although the United States has
important interests in the Islamic world, they are not on a scale to justify
the expense and casualties involved in a long-term occupation. Finally, bin
Laden regards the United States as morally corrupt and incapable of major
exertion in the face of adversity.

Given his views, it must be assumed that bin Laden's forces and the Taliban
have developed a two-pronged war plan. First, as the United States deploys
forces into Afghanistan, they will be attacked as targets of opportunity,
particularly in the early stages of any buildup. This will especially include
attacks in northern Afghanistan where the opposition Northern Alliance will
undoubtedly host American forces.

The anti-U.S. forces will also use cross-border operations in neighboring
countries hosting American troops, including Pakistan, Turkmenistan,
Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. These operations need not be large-scale or very
successful. Their goal will be to unbalance U.S. forces during the buildup
and, most important, draw them deeper into Afghanistan to stop the attacks at
their source.

Second, within the United States, bin Laden's forces will continue
intermittent attacks against a variety of targets with the aim of
destabilizing U.S. psychology, creating doubts about the capabilities of the
U.S. government, driving home the costs of the war to the American public and
generating confidence in the Islamic world.

It would then be logical to assume other assault groups are already present
in the United States, either awaiting activation or authorized to act on
their own initiative. It is likely, given the extreme operational security
maintained, that support-team members of the first assault group are unaware
of the existence of these other groups and that minimal, if any,
communication is taking place between them and al-Qaida.

They have a natural advantage in that U.S. forces are weakened because they
cannot define the enemy's target set with any certainty and therefore must be
dissipated. Since the targets vastly outnumber the defenders, al-Qaida has
created at least a temporarily superior position.

In the first thoughts on a counterattack, the United States appears to have
three missions. First, prevent any further attacks by al-Qaida against
American assets. Second, kill Osama bin Laden and destroy al-Qaida and all of
its linked organizations on a worldwide basis. And third, punish all
countries that have supported Al-Qaida, beginning with Afghanistan.

To achieve these goals, the United States must create, at least notionally,
three or more separate theaters of operations, the first being in
Afghanistan. The United States must define its strategic goal here. This can
range from killing bin Laden, to destroying al-Qaida, to overthrowing the
Taliban and occupying the major Afghan cities or pacifying the country. The
issue is to match U.S. ambitions with U.S. resources and not play into bin
Laden's own strategy.

In the North American theater of operations, the strategic goals – now being
called Homeland Defense – are to seal off as much of North America as
possible from further penetration of enemy forces, thereby creating an arena
for destroying forces already present. In many ways, this is less of a
military theater than a security theater.

The intercontinental theater of operations must also be addressed. It is
understood that al-Qaida has dispersed its operational assets globally. At
this moment it is likely that each continent has several operational groups
present. These groups must be identified and destroyed. This is also not
primarily a military theater. Rather it is a theater in which intelligence
and covert operations are critical and in which coalition cooperation is most
essential and the most difficult to achieve.

Follow-on countries comprise the final theater of operations. The United
States has already suggested that, in due course, Iraq would be added to the
list of countries considered a state sponsor of the Sept. 11 attacks. Bin
Laden would like to see several other countries added to that list. Indonesia
is an excellent example of a country that is already destabilized, has a
growing Islamic movement and is critical to U.S. interests. In other words,
follow-on theaters of operation may not be areas of American choosing.

To respond effectively, the United States must remember the following: Its
enemy is dispersed, has designed redundancy into its systems and seems to
understand how our systems work, at least well enough to have evaded them on
and prior to Sept. 11. It has shown it knows how to extract maximum advantage
out of a relatively small numbers of operatives and has men who are prepared
to go to their certain death.

It is also an enemy that may have structured a war plan based on a faulty
assumption, which is that the Islamic world is perched on the edge of a
volcano of populist Islam and that the U.S. response will trigger it.

The American perception of bin Laden is that, being isolated in Afghanistan,
he is a marginal player with a sophisticated network of operatives and that
his dream of an Islamic uprising is merely a fantasy. The United States also
believes that an exercise of decisive force in Afghanistan, and the disabling
and disruption of bin Laden's network in the United States and the rest of
the world, will delegitimize him permanently.




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