-Caveat Lector-

http://www.thenewrepublic.com/041700/foer041700.html

What's really wrong with Skull and Bones.
Tomb of Their Own

By FRANKLIN FOER
Issue date: 04.17.00
Post date: 04.06.00



"A secret society so powerful it can give you anything you desire ... at a
price."

--trailer for The Skulls



The skulls is a movie about George W. Bush's wild youth. Of course, it's not
billed that way. No Hollywood studio would explicitly make a picture about a
current presidential contender. But the subject of The Skulls is clear
enough: the corrupting influence of a secret society, blatantly modeled after
Yale's notorious Skull and Bones, of which Bush was once a devoted member.

The depiction of Skull and Bones in the film--just the latest addition to a
minor industry of Bonesiana--pretty much captures the prevailing media view
of the institution: an aristocratic, all-powerful cabal. Membership, at least
according to the movie, entitles the Bonesman to $20,000, a sports car, and a
harem of gorgeous women. The Skulls control the university and the local
cops. The society's alumni--senators and judges--sit around sipping
champagne, chitchatting about hunting, and conspiring to suppress their
enemies. Throughout the film, the Skulls' critics fall back on the same
mantra: "If it's secret and it's elite, it can't be good."

That's half right. Actually, the problem with the Skull and Bones of today
may be that it's not forthrightly elitist enough. Skull and Bones, along with
Yale's other secret societies, isn't the fusty, preppy, creepy conspiracy it
once was. These societies ditched most of the nude wrestling, weird rituals,
and boarding-school elitism long ago. In fact, they've spent the past decade
running hard in the other direction. To put it crudely, Yale's secret
societies--once ground zero of the Eastern establishment--are now high
temples of political correctness, the ultimate in Ivy League identity
politics. This year's class of Bonespeople has more women than men and as
many African Americans as WASPS. Conservatives are scarce.

Skull and Bones has democratized--but not in a very productive way. Back when
the societies were proudly, offensively elitist, they had a purpose and a
paternalistic sense of duty. Bones bragged that it would shape the characters
of those who would shape the world. Today, the students in Skull and Bones
find that kind of noblesse oblige deeply embarrassing. And, in their efforts
to inoculate themselves against charges of elitism, the new elites have
directed their energy to less grandiose concerns: namely, themselves. Skull
and Bones, once a group for public-minded elites, has become the exact
opposite--group therapy.



Skull and Bones' roots can be traced to 1826, when a New York bricklayer
named William Morgan disappeared just as he was preparing to publish a book
that would unveil the secrets of his Masonic lodge. The Morgan case grabbed
headlines and sparked a national backlash against all secret societies. In a
populist whirl, Harvard and Yale Universities forced their most prominent
secret society, Phi Beta Kappa, to ditch its secrecy. The Yale men, angry at
having their mystery stripped away, rebelled and created Skull and Bones in
1832. Again, the faculty campaigned to stamp out the clandestine club, but
this merely increased its cachet. By the 1850s, when it built its spooky,
windowless sepulchre on High Street, Bones had become an exclusive hangout
for Yale's top students. They'd get together to perform goofy gothic rituals
with coffins, robes, and mud, but mainly they would talk about trendy
literature that wasn't covered in Yale's classrooms. Eventually, the guys who
couldn't win spots in Bones went off and started their own secret societies.

Harvard students also responded to the demise of Phi Beta Kappa by
establishing their own exclusive havens: the finals clubs. But these were
never more than a Gold Coast, a place for the richest students to socialize
with one another and turn up their noses at the rest of the student body.
Skull and Bones, on the other hand, steered a more high-minded course. Even
when it admitted only men from Groton and Hotchkiss and some of its members
touted eugenics, Bones bragged of being a meritocracy. If you excelled in
extracurricular activities--as editor of the Yale Daily News or captain of
the football team, for example--Skull and Bones tapped you. It's an ethos
celebrated in the 1911 novel Stover at Yale, which explains that election to
Bones "stands as a reward for merit here." Men spent their college careers
positioning themselves for a tap. Rejection was crushing. Or, as Sinclair
Lewis melodramatically put it, "Some good men always carried away scars. And
the finality and exclusiveness of the choosing created and would continue to
create a faint and enduring fault line in the Yale brotherhood." And, while
Bones was hardly immune to cronyism and nepotism, high-achieving outsiders
did occasionally win admission to the episcopacy's den. Most famously, in
1949, William F. Buckley became a Bonesman, despite being Catholic.

Once Bones had picked the year's most promising harvest, it set out to shape
the new members to lead. Indeed, that seems to be the reason George W. Bush,
whose father and grandfather were Bonesmen, had serious misgivings about
joining. For a while, he thought about ditching Bones to join a less serious
society more suited to his frat-boy ways. Dad, however, ratcheted up the
pressure. As Bill Minutaglio recounts in his biography of W., First Son,
"[A]t 8 p.m. on Tap Night, at the moment the bells were tolling in Harkness
Tower, there was a knock on George W.'s door at his room in Davenport. When
he opened it up, his father, the U.S. congressman, was standing outside,
asking that his first son do the right thing and join Skull & Bones--become a
Good Man."

Become a Good Man: the phrase sounds like it was plagiarized from a bar
mitzvah speech, and that's no coincidence. For men like former President
Bush, Bones was a rite of passage--an invitation to quit horsing around on
the baseball diamond and get serious. In ways that now sound hopelessly
hokey, President Bush's generation of Bonesmen spoke of their organization as
a place to buff one's character before becoming a full member of the elite.
It was an experience so intense that, as it was commonly described, it would
"warp the bones of your skull." Henry Stimson, Franklin Delano Roosevelt's
secretary of war, liked to muse that he learned more from Bones than from the
rest of his Yale education.

The most intense character-building rituals are spelled out smack in the
middle of George W.'s 1968 yearbook--in an article coauthored by, of all
people, future Clinton spinmeister Lanny Davis. On Tap Night, "the initiate
faces the delegation and the alumni alone and is physically beaten. Next he
is stripped and made to engage in some form of naked wrestling." The abuse
continues later in the year with the Mirror Images, a night "on which each
society member is personally, frankly, and quite brutally evaluated by other
members." Sam Chauncey, a longtime Yale administrator, recounted that his
roommate sank into a deep depression after his society pronounced him lazy.
Yale Professor Gaddis Smith tells of students forced to seek psychological
treatment after their friends pointed out their many flaws.

Yet the sadism had a purpose. Like the rest of Yale at mid-century, Bones was
infused with a spirit of noblesse oblige--only more so. The male bonding and
the rituals were inseparable from an almost missionary vision of public
service, a certainty that an elite could rationally reshape the world.
According to Geoff Kabaservice, a historian of Yale, "First they tried to
break down the individual, then remold him as someone equipped to take over
the world." As Tom Wolfe has written, "Thursday night after Thursday night the
 awful truths would out, as he who was It stood up before them and answered
the most horrible questions.... But out of the fire and the heap of ashes
would come a better man, a brother, of good blood and good bone, for the
American race guerriere." Indeed, it was Bonesmen who shaped cold war
liberalism. McGeorge Bundy, Henry Stimson, and Averell Harriman were the
architects of its foreign policy. Other Bonesmen invented and then populated
the CIA. They held top slots at the Ford Foundation, which sought to remake
social policy. At universities, they pressed for more meritocratic
admissions, recruited heavily from public schools, lifted quotas on Jews, and
instituted coeducation. In fact, it was men from the secret societies, like
Yale administrators R. Inslee Clark, William Sloane Coffin, and Sam Chauncey,
who ended the dominance of their kind, the boarding-school elite.

And eventually they ended their dominance of the societies themselves. As Ron
Rosenbaum revealed in his 1977 Esquire essay "The Last Secrets of Skull and
Bones" (the locus classicus of all Bonesology), by the '70s, with elitism no
longer in vogue, Skull and Bones was in decline--possibly terminal decline.
Yalies commonly turned down offers to join; the group's deepest secrets were
increasingly open. Rosenbaum concluded his essay on a wistful note: "I didn't
exactly set out to write an expose of Skull and Bones, but neither did I
think I'd end up with an elegy." The other societies were in the same boat.
Several even fell on their swords, declining to tap successors and refusing
to meet in the fancy Tombs.


But, in a deft stroke, the remaining societies turned the elitism charge on
its head and saved themselves. Beginning in the late '70s, they swung open
their doors to women, gays, and minorities--people anxious to join, if only
to proclaim victory over the racist patriarchy. And, once the societies were
filled with people of color, white liberals had fewer qualms about joining.
In the '90s, Bones flourished. In the past five years, virtually no student
has turned down a tap.

Of course, the societies were right to diversify. It's probably a good thing
that this year's Bones class, according to one Bonesologist, is composed of
three African Americans, four students of East Asian decent, two Jews, and a
Latino, with the balance being white; that the prestigious societies Wolf's
Head and Berzelius regularly have more African Americans than whites; and
that all the groups divide their taps more or less equally between men and
women.

The societies, though, have diversified in a strange way. The logical path
would have been simply to honor the old, rhetorical commitment to merit--and
finally let in Yale's highest-achieving students of all races and
backgrounds. But the rush to diversify wasn't an effort to finally live out
the "best and brightest" creed. It was an escape from that creed, an effort
to deny that groups like Skull and Bones represented an elite at
all--because, if they did, then no one could rationalize joining.

As a result, the dominant criterion for membership has become identity: not
what you have done but who you are. Tapping next year's class often
degenerates into an elaborate quota system in which students jostle to make
sure they have successors who look like them. Take, for instance, the story
of the Korean-American student in Wolf's Head who considered it his
obligation to hand over his slot to another Korean. When the group proposed
choosing a student of another Asian American extraction, he threw a tantrum.
His slot had to go to a Korean. He became so impassioned that he broke down
in tears, storming out of a meeting. Soon after, a Chicano in Wolf's Head
announced that he felt strongly that the Chicano perspective must always be
represented in the group. His spot couldn't go to a Puerto Rican or
Salvadoran, he insisted. He too threw a tantrum.

And, because students are selected as representatives of their identity
groups, they have to toe the group line. The Jews have to explain Jewish
culture; in one society, members grumbled when they realized their initiate
didn't speak Hebrew. In another case, an Asian student was rejected because
his views of his native country were deemed regressive by a member of the
same ethnicity. If you're head of the Korean American Students at Yale or the
Black Student Alliance or the Yale Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered
Cooperative, you're a solid bet for Bones. At Wolf's Head, the presidents of
certain African American and Latino fraternities are usually shoo-ins. But,
if you're a black student who heads the campus anti-abortion group or a
lesbian physics major who's never attended an anti-homophobia rally, you
don't stand a chance.

In fact, the old Bones standbys--the president of the student council, the
editor of the Yale Daily News, the head of the Political Union--are rarely
tapped by the top societies anymore. They're considered unseemly climbers.
Instead, they've gone off and launched their own new secret society, dubbed
Hack and Tool.


And the shift in selection criteria has changed the way Yale's societies see
their purpose. Bones no longer tries to break down and remake its members for
leadership; today it affirms them. Like all the other societies, Bones is
organized around the sharing of "bios" or "life histories": each member is
granted an entire evening to tell his or her life story to the rest of the
group. Talk to society members and the boast you'll most frequently hear is
that, with their groups, they have created a "safe space," a place to feel
comfortable "sharing your experience." Consider a few commonplace images from
three of the most prestigious societies. At Berzelius, a woman strips to the
buff as she recounts her sexual awakening, a football star confesses to
suffering from bulimia, and an African American woman muses about why she
exclusively dates white men. In Wolf's Head, a woman describes being molested
as a child. In Bones, a straight guy tells of his fantasies about another
man. As the biographies unfold, the others in the groups play armchair
shrinks, asking questions and, when needed, giving hugs. It's a far cry from
Mirror Images, with its constant challenges and neuralgic homing in on
members' flaws. And, if the old Bonesmen had a rather haughty view of their
obligation to the rest of the world, at least they thought about it. For all
their ideological trendiness, today's societies don't do much in the way of
community service or political action. In fact, they rarely leave their
tombs.

Not surprisingly, older alumni are furious. Ever since Skull and Bones went
coed, many of the fusty old white alums have stopped attending reunions or
donating cash. At Wolf's Head, alumni actually convened a task force that
aimed to tone down the society's fixation on diversity and quash the
complaints about racial preferences.

But the fixation on identity, and the fixation on self, can't be easily
stamped out--they're desperate attempts to give inherently elitist
organizations a populist veneer. Bonesmen used to flaunt their affiliation.
In the nineteenth century they wore ties with a Skull and Bones insignia. Up
until the middle of the last century, the names of incoming members were
printed in The New York Times and the Yale Daily News. (George W.'s
membership in Bones is trumpeted in his senior yearbook.) And, if you asked a
Bonesman about the club, he would leave the room or issue an ostentatious
denial--a denial calculated to provide a clear answer to your question.

But it almost seems that the current crop of Bonespersons maintain vows of
secrecy because they are genuinely embarrassed by their affiliation. Those I
talked with turned logical somersaults to justify joining an organization
that they had previously considered offensive. Even inside the Tomb, they
approach the rituals with a dash of self-loathing. They mock the songs they
sing, changing the lyrics. And they crack jokes about the "old white guys."
When I asked a member of the current Bones class if he considered the group a
collection of Yale's best and brightest, he replied, "I sure hope not."


On a recent Sunday night, I staked out Skull and Bones with Nicholas
Fleisher, an editor of the Yale tabloid Rumpus. The staff of Rumpus has
filled many an issue by reporting on silly arcana of the university's secret
societies. Reporters have sifted through Bones garbage and determined that
Snapple is the drink of choice. Two years ago, they printed the code that
opens the Bones door, inspiring a wave of trespassers. When I met up with
Fleisher, he had already unsuccessfully tried to break into Bones that
evening via the roof of an adjacent building. As we sat and watched
Bonespersons walk out of the Tomb, dressed in hipster attire, Fleisher waxed
nostalgic: "There's not much to make fun of anymore. They're so dull these
days." Walking past Fleisher, a Bonesman put a hand to his face--a vain
attempt to hide his identity. It was an emblematic gesture.

(Copyright 2000, The New Republic)
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