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http://www.guerrillanews.com/newswire/221.html

Guerrilla of the Week
Editor's Pick


November 19, 2001

Once again, a major bombshell about the true origins
of this conflict has broken overseas. And once again,
the information is nowhere to be seen in the American
media. Last week, French journalists Jean-Charles
Brisard and Guillaume Dasquié, editors of Online
Intelligence, released their book "Bin Laden, La
Verite Interdite (Bin Laden: The Forbidden Truth)."
"La Verite Interdite" outlines a very different
picture than the American news has been reporting, but
one that supports many controversial claims made here
on GuerrillaNews. Brisard and Dasquié, who have been
tracking bin Laden for years, detail how: the war was
in the works prior to 9-11; Bush blocked the FBI's
investigation into bin Laden to protect the Saudis and
the Bush family's ties to their corrupt regime; and
the real motivating force behind the war is oil. The
following article from the Irish Times outlines the
book's findings. Prepare for a paradigm shift:
The Irish Times (19/11/2001)
By Michael Jansen, in Beirut

The fate of John O'Neill, the Irish-American FBI agent
who for years led U.S. investigations into Osama bin
Laden's al-Qaeda network, is the most chilling
revelation in the book Bin Laden: The Hidden Truth,
published in Paris this week.

O'Neill investigated the bombings of the World Trade
Centre in 1993, a US base in Saudi Arabia in 1996, the
U.S. embassies in Nairobi and Dar-Es-Salaam in 1998,
and the USS Cole last year.

Jean-Charles Brisard, who wrote a report on bin
Laden's finances for the French intelligence agency
DST and is co-author of Hidden Truth, met O'Neill
several times last summer. He complained bitterly that
the U.S. State Department - and behind it the oil
lobby who make up President Bush's entourage - blocked
attempts to prove bin Laden's guilt.

The U.S. ambassador to Yemen, Ms Barbara Bodine,
forbade O'Neill and his team of so- called Rambos (as
the Yemeni authorities called them) from entering
Yemen. In August 2001, O'Neill resigned in frustration
and took up a new job as head of security at the World
Trade Centre. He died in the September 11th attack.

Brisard and his co-author Guillaume Dasquié, the
editor of Intelligence Online, say their book is a
tribute to O'Neill. The FBI agent had told Brisard:
"All the answers, everything needed to dismantle Osama
bin Laden's organisation, can be found in Saudi
Arabia."

But U.S. diplomats shrank from offending the Saudi
royal family. O'Neill went to Saudi Arabia after 19
U.S. servicemen died in the bombing of a military
installation in Dhahran in June 1996. Saudi officials
interrogated the suspects, declared them guilty and
executed them - without letting the FBI talk to them.
"They were reduced to the role of forensic scientists,
collecting material evidence on the bomb site,"
Brisard says.

O'Neill said there was clear evidence in Yemen of bin
Laden's guilt in the bombing of the USS Cole [in which
17 U.S. servicemen died] but that the State Department
prevented him from getting it."

Brisard and Dasquié discovered that the first country
to issue an international arrest warrant against bin
Laden was not the U.S., but Moamar Gadafy's Libya, in
March 1998. The confidential notice, published for the
first time in their book, was sent by the Libyan
interior ministry to Interpol on March 16th, 1998, and
accuses bin Laden of murdering two German intelligence
agents, Silvan Becker and his wife, in Libya in 1994.

Bin Laden supported a fundamentalist group called
al-Muqatila, made up of Libyans who had fought with
him against the Soviets in Afghanistan. Al-Muqatila
wanted to assassinate Gadafy, whom it considered an
infidel. According to the former MI5 agent David
Shayler, British intelligence - also in league with
al-Muqatila - tried to assassinate Gadafy in November
1996.

It was because of British collaboration with
al-Muqatila that the Interpol warrant was ignored,
Brisard says. Since September 11th, al-Muqatila has
been placed on President Bush's list of "terrorist
groups".

The central thesis of Brisard and Dasquié's book is
sure to join the annals of 21st century conspiracy
theories. The writers document negotiations between
the Bush administration and the Taliban between
February and August of this year.

Less convincingly, they conjecture that the September
11th suicide attacks were the result of the failure of
those negotiations.

The chief motivation behind U.S. attempts to make
peace with the Taliban can be summed up in one word:
oil. The former Soviet republics of Central Asia -
Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and especially "the new
Kuwait", Kazakhstan - have vast oil and gas reserves.
But Russia has refused to allow the U.S. to extract it
through Russian pipelines and Iran is considered a
dangerous route. That left Afghanistan.

The U.S. oil company Chevron - where Mr. Bush's
National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice was a
director throughout the 1990s - is deeply involved in
Kazakhstan. In 1995, another U.S. company, Unocal
(formerly Union Oil Company of California) signed a
contract to export $8 billion worth of natural gas
through a $3 billion pipeline which would go from
Turkmenistan through Afghanistan to Pakistan.

The authors recall how the State Department applauded
the Taliban takeover in September 1996, five months
after a U.S. assistant secretary of state warned
"economic opportunities will be missed" if political
stability was not restored in Afghanistan.

Laila Helms, the part Afghan niece of the former CIA
director and former U.S. ambassador to Tehran Richard
Helms, is described as the Mata-Hari of U.S.-Taliban
negotiations.

Ms. Helms brought Sayed Rahmatullah Hashimi, an
adviser to Mullah Omar, to Washington for five days in
March 2001 - after the Taliban had destroyed the
ancient Buddhas of Bamiyan. Hashimi met the
directorate of Central Intelligence at the CIA and the
Bureau of Intelligence and Research at the State
Department.

In negotiations which continued until July, the U.S.
then took a more discreet position, letting the UN
envoy Francesc Vendrell do most of the work and
appointing a former U.S. ambassador to Pakistan,
Thomas Simons, to represent the U.S. at informal
meetings in Berlin.

The last direct U.S. contact with the Taliban was on
August 2nd, 2001, when Christina Rocca, the director
of Asian affairs at the State Department, met the
Taliban ambassador in Islamabad. Ms. Rocca was
previously in charge of contacts with Islamist
guerrilla groups at the CIA, where in the 1980s, she
oversaw the delivery of Stinger missiles to Afghan
mujaheddin.

Last February, the Taliban had indicated it might be
willing to hand over bin Laden, but by June, according
to Brisard and Dasquié, the U.S. began considering
military action. "The U.S. thought they could
'decouple' Osama bin Laden from the Taliban," Brisard
says. "What they did not understand was that without
bin Laden, the Taliban regime wouldn't have existed."

By dispatching Francesc Vendrell to see the exiled
King Zaher Shah in Rome and raising the threat of
military action, Washington "backed the Taliban into a
corner", the authors say. For the Taliban - assuming
its leadership had advance knowledge of the suicide
attacks - September 11th was a sort of pre-emptive
strike.

Brisard and Dasquié claim a significant part of the
Saudi royal family supports bin Laden. "Saudi Arabia
has always protected bin Laden - or protected itself
from him," says Brisard. He points out that attacks
inside the kingdom targeted US interests, never the
Saudis.

Khalid bin Mahfouz is the former chairman of the
kingdom's biggest bank, the National Commercial Bank,
who, with 10 family members received Irish citizenship
in December 1990. Brisard and Dasquié call him "the
banker of terror".

The 73-year-old Mahfouz is now under house arrest in
the Saudi resort of Taif, accused by the FBI and CIA
of having diverted $2 billion to Islamic charities
that helped bin Laden.


To discuss this Article and other issues please visit
the Guerrilla News Forum

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word of the week: SCAPEGOAT


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