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www.tenc.net * Emperor's Clothes
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Can Democracy be Constructed Based on Terror & Fraud? -
The BHHRG Report on the Kosovo 'Elections,' 17 November 2001
[This report was prepared by Dr. David Chandler. It is Posted with the kind permission
of the British Helsinki Human Rights Group, 28 November 2001. For some quite
interesting Further Reading, go to end of page.]
=======================================
Faking Democracy and Progress in Kosovo
1. Background
“This was an extraordinary election.”[i] The pronouncement of US Ambassador Daan
Everts, OSCE Mission chief, running the elections was very apt. These elections were
truly extraordinary in many respects.
One extraordinary aspect is that they were held in a legal vacuum. Kosovo is neither
an independent state nor any longer under the government of Serbia or the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia. The question of statehood is to be postponed to the indefinite
future while the United Nations assumes the responsibility for governing the province,
through the UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) headed by the Secretary-General’s Special
Representative (SGSR) the former Danish foreign minister, Hans Haekkerup.
The provincial government elected on 17 November reflects this lack of international
legal framework. The new post-election arrangements are outlined in a document titled
‘A Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government in Kosovo’.[ii] This is
not a constitution but a ‘framework’ for a constitution and not self-government but
‘provisional’ self-government. The ill-defined legal and political status of the
former Yugoslav province, reflects Western powers’ diminished respect for state
sovereignty and the crumbling formal framework of international legal and political
equality. (1)
Kosovo is an ‘extraordinary’ political experiment because the system of ‘dual power’
of an international governing administration alongside a subordinate,
domestically-elected administration, which developed in an ad hoc manner in
Bosnia-Herzegovina, is here for the first time officially institutionalised. The new
framework for a ‘constitution’ of Kosovo, is the first modern political constitution
to explicitly rule out democracy. The preamble states that the ‘will of the people’ is
to be relegated to just one of many ‘relevant factors’ to be taken into account by the
international policy-makers.[iii]
The executive and legislative powers of the UN Special Representative remain
unaffected by the new constitutional framework. Chapter 8 of the framework lists the
powers and responsibilities reserved for the international appointee, which include
the final authority over finance, the budget and monetary policy, customs, the
judiciary, law enforcement, policing, external relations, public property,
communications and transport, housing, municipal administration, and the appointment
of regulatory boards and commissions. And, of course, the power to dissolve the
elected assembly if Kosovo’s representatives do not show sufficient ‘maturity’ to
agree with his edicts.[iv]
2. Sham Elections
Many international plenipotentiaries, including US President George Bush, Nato
Secretary-General Lord George Robertson and United Nations Secretary-General Kofi
Annan, urged the Kosovo public to turn out to vote, particularly the Kosovo Serbs.
When it emerged that around 60% of the Albanian and 50% of the Serb voters had taken
part, the elections were loudly hailed by the international organisers and observers
to be a ‘glorious day in the history of Kosovo’ and as a ‘huge success’.[v] The
question of why the international community chose to spend millions of dollars holding
elections for a provincial administration with token office-holders with highly
circumscribed powers was, unfortunately, rarely asked.
These elections were extraordinary in the importance attached to them, not just
because of the lack of power awarded to the victors, but also the fact that the
results were largely irrelevant once the electoral ‘engineering’ of the OSCE and UNMIK
was taken into account. The largest party, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), led
by Ibrahim Rugova, which won 46% of the votes, would not have been able to form the
government even if they had won a land-slide victory. This was because the seats in
the seven-member presidency and positions in the new ministries were already divided
in a fixed ratio in advance. For example, the largest party and second largest party,
the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) under Hashim Thaci, with 25% of the votes, were
to have two seats in the presidency with the third party holding one seat, the two
remaining seats were reserved for Serb and other minorities. This system of dividing
the seats before the elections made the international pressure o!
n Belgrade to encourage Kosovo Serbs to vote, in order that they might have more of a
say in the future of the province, rather bizarre. The Serb community was already
guaranteed 10 reserved seats in the 120 seat assembly, a seat on the presidency and at
least one of the nine ministries, regardless of whether any Serbs voted at all.
I was monitoring the Kosovo elections on behalf of the British Helsinki Human Rights
Group with the official international observation mission of the Council of Europe. It
did not take long to see why the extravagant hype had taken over from the mundane
reality of the elections. At the start of the Council of Europe observer training,
Lord Russell Johnstone, the President of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly,
put the elections in the broader context of international intervention today. ‘The
international community needs to prove that intervention was benign [in Kosovo and
East Timor] and will create better conditions. These elections are a proving
exercise.’ Lord Johnstone is probably correct to see the November elections as little
more than a ‘proving exercise’ for the international institutions involved in the
violation of Yugoslav sovereignty and the promotion of ‘military humanitarianism’ in
Afghanistan and elsewhere. This would seem to be confirmed in the sta!
ted concern of the OSCE organisers to achieve an election that made the international
mission appear ‘legitimate and credible’.[vi]
Bearing in mind the international importance of the ‘success’ of the Kosovo elections,
the ‘independent’ observation mission of the Council of Europe claims that the
provincial elections were ‘free and fair’ should not necessarily be taken at face
value.[vii] It is highly doubtful that these elections would have been passed as ‘free
and fair’ had they taken place outside the international supervision of the OSCE. The
election conditions, in which there was a complete absence of freedom of movement for
minority communities, and many of the OSCE election regulations covering the media and
political parties, failed to meet basic internationally accepted standards, such as
those laid out in the OSCE’s 1990 Copenhagen Declaration on Democracy and Political
Pluralism.[viii] The following sections compare the claims of the OSCE against the
reality of Kosovo in more depth.
3. Creating Multi-Ethnic Society?
Without visiting the region it is difficult for outside observers to imagine the depth
of fear and insecurity which pervades the province despite more than two years of
government by the international community’s expansive ‘peace-building’ mission. (2)
There has been a highly restricted number of Serb and minority returns to Kosovo, and
the UNHCR estimates that since the UNMIK administration took over more minorities may
have left the province than returned.[ix] One reason for this is that Serb and other
ethnic minorities still have no freedom of movement in Kosovo. The lack of movement
could be seen when we visited the allegedly multi-ethnic ‘zone of confidence’ in
Mitrovica, which has no Serb minority and is basically a Bosnian Muslim settlement
policed by a 24-hour UNMIK armed guard. Or when we walked further along the Ibar to
the uninhabited ruins of the Roma ‘Malhalla’, formally the largest Roma settlement in
the Balkans, destroyed after the war. It is not yet possible !
for any of the 7,000 former residents to return in safety.
The ethnic-apartheid ruled over by UNMIK (3) also had a direct impact on the election
campaign and election monitoring. The Council of Europe election observation teams
were told not to enter minority Serb or Albanian areas within their allocated
municipalities because it would be too dangerous for their drivers and interpreters.
Apart from indicating the complete separation of the Serb and Albanian communities,
this instruction also meant that the ‘independent’ observers had a highly restricted
view of the elections. One further impact of the lack of security for ethnic
minorities was the fact that the voters’ list, the basic tool to guide election
campaigning, was considered to be sensitive information. The voters’ list was not
available to be used by political parties and could only be consulted if no notes or
photographs were taken, making full transparency impossible.[x]
Far from admitting to the failures of the Nato intervention or the subsequent
‘peace-building’ programmes of the UNMIK administration, and the ethnic-apartheid,
which is in place, the OSCE had boasted that the elections were overcoming ethnic
divisions. One reason for this statement was that there were allegedly minority
members on the polling station committees.I was observing in the north of the
Mitrovica area, in Leposavic, a moderate-dominated Serb area, I saw no minority
committee members and asked an OSCE polling station supervisor if the policy had been
dropped. He replied that the polling station committee were all minority community
members as they were all Serbs. Classifying mono-ethnic polling station committees as
minority ones makes the OSCE election organisation look artificially multi-ethnic.
This artificial ‘engineering’ to create multi-ethnic institutions on paper is also
promoted as an important outcome of the elections themselves. Every level of
government!
, including the Presidency, the Ministries and the Assembly will have reserved places
for minority community members. These minority members will be bussed in to meetings
from minority enclaves under heavy military guard. Multi-ethnic government will be
created by edict, but this will not reflect the divided society, nor help to break
down inter-ethnic barriers. The insecurities of minority and majority communities are
not caused by ignorance or irrational prejudice but by rational concerns that the
artificial and temporary nature of the current settlement imposed by UNMIK can not be
sustainable.
The lack of refugee return and poor treatment of non-Albanian minority communities,
was one reason for the low turn-out in some minority areas of Kosovo, particularly in
the Serbian enclave north of the Ibar river which divides the town of Mitrovica. At
some polling stations turn-out was under 10%.[xi] In Leposavic around a third of the
6,500 population were refugees. I visited the refugee centres for Roma and Serbs
displaced from southern Kosovo. I spoke to Gushanig Skandir the head of the Roma camp,
who showed us around the overcrowded and poorly funded site, where large families were
forced to share single rooms and use outside toilet and washing facilities despite the
winter cold.He told me that after waiting three years their centre had received a new
roof 20 days ago, he believed this international aid was because he encouraged the
adults in the camp to register to vote and to encourage the Roma refugees to vote on
election day. He was sceptical about the elections but!
felt the Roma might receive more aid from the international community if they voted.
The following day I saw him at the polling station in the local school. Gushanig may
have made the pragmatic choice to vote but many other refugees and displaced people in
similar situations told us that voting could make no difference especially as the
leading Serb representatives would have seats in the Assembly anyway.
In an attempt to portray the low turn-outs as unconnected to the lack of freedom of
movement and alienation of minority communities, Daan Everts declared: ‘The only thing
which marred what was a glorious day in Kosovo’s history was that some Serbs in the
north of Kosovo were too intimidated by other people in their own community to come
out and vote’.[xii] This claim was repeated on BBC World television, in international
press headlines and in the post-election International Crisis Group report, which
stated that ‘the intimidation of would-be Serb voters marred the election in
Serb-controlled region north of the Ibar river’.[xiii] The intimidation claims were
news to the independent observers in the region. I attended the Mitrovica area
debriefing for the Council of Europe observers after the elections and intimidation
was not mentioned, the observation team for the north Mitrovica municipality received
not one report of intimidation. At a post election party for internation!
als the mystery was clarified when I spoke to the OSCE regional trainer for the
Mitrovica area who told me that his boss’s claims of intimidation were based on highly
dubious allegations ‘of people staring outside polling stations and looking inside
them’.
4. Political Pluralism, Free Press and Civil Society?
The OSCE and UNMIK regard the Kosovo political parties as a hindrance rather than a
help in addressing the problems of the province. They are seen to be lacking maturity
and in need of ‘continuous support from the OSCE Democratization Department to enhance
their organisational capacity and to increase their political and social possibilities
to advocate for democratic changes’.[xiv] Daan Everts argued that the political
parties were so out of touch that the international community was, in effect, more
democratic and more representative of popular opinion. He stated that the OSCE needed
to inform the political parties of the concerns of the people and to encourage them to
respond to the demands of the electorate.[xv]
As part of the process of making political parties more ‘accountable’ there are a host
of restrictive regulations of the political sphere. These include the fining of
newspapers if they favour a major political party. Epoka e Re was fined DEM 1,000 for
‘a clear bias in favour of the PDK in its election political reporting’ while Bota Sot
was fined DEM 2,750 for coverage which was favourable to the LDK.[xvi] I asked Lucia
Scotton, the Council of Europe’s Mission in Kosovo’s media monitoring officer, how
these fines squared with the OSCE’s claim to be encouraging a free and independent
media. Her view was that although it was an international norm for a free press to
take a political position favouring a particular party in election campaigns, the
fines were ‘reasonable’ because the press in Kosovo was not professional or mature
enough to act freely and independently yet.[xvii]
The OSCE Code of Conduct for political parties also breaches internationally accepted
democratic norms by holding political parties responsible for the actions of their
supporters.[xviii] I asked Adrian Stoop, the Chief Commissioner of the OSCE Election
Complaints and Appeals Commission about whether this regulation complied with
international standards.[xix] He replied that ‘In Holland this law would be
unthinkable.’ He explained that the internationally-appointed Commissioners supported
regulations which they would not accept in their own countries because the
international administrators found it hard ‘to get a grip on what is happening’ and
‘didn’t speak the language’. In order to give the international regulators greater
control, the rules had to be more pragmatic and flexible to try to influence the
political parties and the political climate.
The OSCE election ‘engineers’ also sought to limit the influence of the political
parties once they got into power. Daan Everts stated at a training session for Council
of Europe observers that ‘these elections force a certain degree of power-sharing’,
undermining the power of the larger parties by restricting their positions and
influence in the new institutions.[xx]He added that the OSCE had learnt from the
municipal elections last year ‘to impose a bit more’. The flexible ‘framework’ for a
‘constitution’ allows the line between international and domestic responsibility to be
easily blurred. Firstly, UNMIK has established ‘international advisors’ for the
President, Prime Minister and ministers and each ministry will also be overseen by an
international ‘Principal Advisor’. Secondly, the functions reserved for the UN’s
Special Representative are so vaguely defined that they cover much of the
responsibilities ‘devolved’ to the nine ministries. However, in the true spirit of !
transparency and accountability the UNMIK spokesperson says that at this stage ‘it is
hard to describe’ what powers will be needed to carry out these reserved
functions.[xxi]
While the political parties were being restricted at least it appeared that one area
of political life was booming, civil society. The growing strength of civil society
was indicated by the fact that this year there was more than twice the number of
domestic observers as last year, representing 1% of the electorate. Daan Everts
described the elections as the ‘best monitored elections this century’.[xxii] In fact,
according to the OSCE, there ‘could be the highest proportion of election observers to
voters in the world’.[xxiii] One does not have to be a hardened cynic to wonder why 1%
of the population would be so keen to observe the elections. I thought it would be
interesting to find out. When I asked the NGO observers more about how they got
involved I was surprised to find out that many did not know what ‘their’ NGO did or
what its’ initials stood for, and had got involved through being invited by a friend.
This was particularly true for those observing on behalf of one o!
f the best represented domestic NGOs, the KMDLNJ (Council for the Defence of Human
Rights and Freedoms) based in Pristina. The reason the KMDLNJ had so many observers
was probably because they were paying people DEM 80 to take part. CeSID a
Serbian-based NGO with close links to the OTPOR student movement was paying people DEM
25 to observe. The other NGO observers were paid somewhere between the two.
The dynamism of civil society, like every other aspect of these elections was a fake.
In the regional de-briefing back in Pristina, all the observers noted that the
domestic observers were rather disinterested in the proceedings. It seems likely that
the OSCE and its international sponsors’ actions of buying-in civil society NGOs will
have little positive impact in the longer run. It hardly encourages people to take
communal responsibility for democracy if people are paid half-a-month’s wages to
‘volunteer’ to be part of the democratic process. The statistics for domestic
observers may have looked good on paper but the OSCE’s approach of artificially
‘engineering’ the effect it wanted may only set back any genuine attempt to involve
the Kosovo public in the political process. If civic NGO involvement is promoted as an
election-related job, like interpreting and driving for the internationals, then this
undermines, rather than promotes, the idea of voluntary civic engagement.
5. Conclusion
The November 17 elections in Kosovo were phoney in every major respect. They were
phoney in that under the fiction of multi-ethnic government they helped legitimise a
society that provides no normal existence for ethnic minorities, merely imprisonment
in ethnic enclaves and military escorts to visit family cemeteries or former homes and
villages. They were phoney in that through the fiction of ‘staring’ Serbs the
responsibility for the low turn-out in some regions was seen to be the fault of
minorities themselves, rather than the ethnic segregation overseen by the
international community. They were phoney because under the guise of promoting media
freedom and independence, freedom of expression and political debate were further
restricted. They were phoney because under the guise of promoting political pluralism,
majority rule was replaced by a consensus imposed by the UN’s Special Representative.
They were phoney because under the fiction of a vibrant civil society the OSCE!
and its partners corrupted the process of encouraging civic engagement. Most
importantly, they were phoney because under the fiction of democratic autonomy for the
people of Kosovo, they legitimised a constitution that openly replaced the ‘popular
will’ with the unaccountable power of an international protectorate.
The OSCE and UNMIK are celebrating the elections as a major international success.
They may have secured some international legitimacy for their tin-pot protectorate and
won kudos for their ‘success’ in encouraging ‘democracy’ and ‘peace’ in Kosovo.
However, phoney elections can only create phoney consultation bodies. The reduced
election turn-out among the Albanian voters and the low turn-out for the Kosovo Serbs
suggests that the domestic legitimacy of the international protectorate may be the
real sticking point for the future.
This report was compiled by Dr David Chandler, Policy Research Institute, Leeds
Metropolitan University. He is the author of Bosnia Faking Democracy After Dayton
(Pluto Press, 1999, 2000) and From Kosovo to Kabul: Human Rights and International
Intervention (Pluto Press, March 2002). He can be contacted at [EMAIL PROTECTED]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[i] ‘First Official Results in Kosovo Election Announced’, OSCE Mission in Kosovo
(OMIK) Press Release, Pristina, 19 November 2001.
[ii] ‘A Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government in Kosovo’,
UNMIK/REG/2001/9, 15 May 2001.
[iii] ‘A Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government in Kosovo’,
UNMIK/REG/2001/9, 15 May 2001, p.4.
[iv] For further background information on the framework for provisional
self-government, read: Simon Chesterman, Kosovo in Limbo: State-Building and
“Substantial Autonomy”, International Peace Academy, August 2001. Available from:
<http://www.ipacademy.org/>; Independent International Commission on Kosovo, The
Follow-Up: Why Conditional Independence? September 2001. Available from:
<http://www.kosovocommission.org/>; International Crisis Group, Kosovo Landmark
Election, November 2001. Available from: <http://www.crisisweb.org>.
[v] ‘Kosovo’s Election Hailed a Huge Success’, OSCE Mission in Kosovo (OMIK) Press
Release, Pristina, 17 November 2001.
[vi] International Crisis Group, Kosovo: Landmark Election, Balkans Report, No.120,
Pristina/Brussels 21 November 2001, p.1.
[vii] ‘Kosovo Assembly Elections Bring Democracy Forward and Strengthen regional
Stability’, Council of Europe Election Observation Mission in Kosovo Press Release,
Pristina, 18 November 2001.
[viii] Document of the Copenhagen Meeting of the Conference on the Human Dimension of
the OSCE. Available from: <http://www.osce.org/docs>.
[ix] Interview with Leonard Zulu, Senior Protection Officer, UNHCR, Pristina, 13
November 2001.
[x] Information provided by Peter Urban, Director of Elections, OSCE, Council of
Europe Training Programme, Pristina 13 November 2001.
[xi] Information provided by OSCE Spokesperson Claire Trevena, 21 November 2001.
[xii] ‘Kosovo’s Election Hailed a Huge Success’, OSCE Mission in Kosovo (OMIK) Press
Release, Pristina, 17 November 2001.
[xiii] Nicholas Wood, ‘Serbs “Face Threats at Polls”’, Observer, 18 November 2001;
International Crisis Group, Kosovo: Landmark Election, Balkans Report, No.120,
Pristina/Brussels 21 November 2001, p.i.
[xiv] Kosovo’s Concerns: Voters’ Voices (Pristina: OSCE Mission in Kosovo, 2001),
p.iii.
[xv] Daan Everts, ‘Foreword’, Kosovo’s Concerns: Voters’ Voices (Pristina: OSCE
Mission in Kosovo, 2001), p.iii.
[xvi] ‘Fines Given for Political Violence and Reporting Bias’, OSCE Mission in Kosovo
(OMIK) Press Release, Pristina, 10 November 2001; ‘Newspaper Sanctioned for Photo’,
OSCE Mission in Kosovo (OMIK) Press Release, Pristina, 16 November 2001.
[xvii] Interview, Pristina, 18 November 2001.
[xviii] ‘The Code of Conduct for Political Parties, Coalitions, Citizens’ Initiatives,
Independent Candidates, Their Supporters and Candidates’, Electoral Rule No.1 1/2001,
OSCE Mission in Kosovo, Central Election Commission. Available from:
<http://www.osce.org/>.
[xix] At the Council of Europe Training Programme, Pristina, 13 November 2001.
[xx] Speech at the Council of Europe Training Programme, Pristina, 13 November 2001.
[xxi] UNMIK-OSCE-EU-UNHCR Press Briefing, 22 November 2001. UNMIK Unofficial
Transcript.
[xxii] ‘Calls for Kosova’s Serbs to Vote’, RFE/RL Newsline, Vol.5, No.214, Part II, 9
November 2001.
[xxiii] ‘Plea to Election Observers: Be Patient’, OSCE Mission in Kosovo (OMIK) Press
Release, Pristina, 9 November 2001.
**********************************************
COMMENTS & FURTHER READING:
**********************************************
Prepared by John Flaherty and Jared Israel, Emperor's Clothes
1) UN Resolution 1244 guarantees that Kosovo will remain part of Serbia and
Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, Bernard Kouchner, head of the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK)
campaigned for the exact opposite during an earlier provincial quasi-election. See
"Solana and Kouchner push Kosovo 'Independence'" by Jared Israel at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/lovein.htm
* (Return to Report, above)
2) In his informative report on the Kosovo elections, posted above, Dr. Chandler
writes that Serbs have been subjected to a reign of terror in Kosovo "despite more
than two years of government by the international community’s expansive
‘peace-building’ mission."
We in the NATO countries have been taught that our leaders are basically decent, but
make mistakes. We are told that if bad things happen in countries undergoing NATO
'nation-building' it is in spite of, not because of, NATO leaders.
But in Kosovo, the evidence on the ground is overwhelming. Kosovo has suffered an
unprecedented reign of terror by Albanian secessionists because of - not in spite of -
NATO and UN control.
Many articles on Emperor's Clothes document this with abundant references from the
mainstream media and from highly credible observers. The following is a small but
important sample:
* "TERRORISM AGAINST SERBIA IS NO CRIME" Jared Israel and Rick Rozoff show how NATO
and the UN have gone 100% against the promise, made in UN Resolution 1244, to prevent
Albanian secessionist terrorism in Kosovo. Instead this terror has been encouraged.
Can be read at http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/nocrime.htm
* 'What NATO Occupation Would Mean for Macedonia'. NATO's nightmarish control of
Kosovo is documented in interviews with three women from the town of Orahovac. They
describe the introduction NATO's lofty promises prior to taking over the province;
NATO's actual entrance, alongside the terrorist Kosovo Liberation Army; the
transformation of Orahovac into a death camp for Serbs and 'Gypsies' under NATO
management. Can be read at http://www.emperors-clothes.com/misc/savethe.htm
* 'Women of Orahovac Answer the Colonel'. In this interview, three Serbian women
refute a Dutch Colonel's surreal description of life in the brave new Kosovo town of
Orahovac. Can be read at http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/trouw.htm
* 'Driven from Kosovo: Jewish Leader Blames NATO - Interview with Cedda Prlincevic'.
Mr. Prlincevic was President of the Jewish community in Kosovo in the summer of 1999
when NATO - and the terrorist KLA - took over. Mr. Prlincevic, at the time the chief
archivist of Kosovo, describes how he and thousands of others were driven from their
homes by the Albanian terrorists with NATO's approval.
* For those of us in the West, who tend to give our leaders the benefit of the doubt,
it is amazing to consider the career of the Kosovo Protection Corps. Formed by top
leaders of NATO and the UN in the fall of 1999, from the outset it was comprised of
members of a terrorist group, the Kosovo Liberation Army.
The terrorist nature of the UN-sanctioned Kosovo Protection Corps is documented in
"How Will You Plead at your Trial, Mr. Annan?' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/howwill.htm
The use of the terrorist Kosovo Protection Corps to invade Macedonia is documented in
'SORRY, VIRGINIA, BUT THEY ARE NATO TROOPS, NOT 'REBELS'"
* (Return to Report, above)
3) Dr. Chandler argues that the West has introduced apartheid-like conditions in
Kosovo. This is discussed in the "Statement of President Slobodan Milosevic on The
Illegitimacy of The Hague 'Tribunal,'" which the kidnapped and imprisoned Yugoslav
leader tried to deliver when he appeared before The Hague 'Tribunal' on 30 August
2001. We have all been told that Milosevic is a demagogue whose speeches advocate
religious and ethnic hatreds, but how many have read his words? Whenever he tries to
speak at The Hague, they turn off his microphone. He can be read at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/aug30.htm
Speaking of Milosevic, the media campaign portraying him as a monster began with a
speech he gave in Kosovo in 1989. It is described as inciting race war. Read it. He
argues that Serbia's strengthen is its ethnic diversity. 'What Milosevic Really Said
at Kosovo Field (1989)' can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/milosaid.html
* (Return to Report, above)
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