-Caveat Lector-

From
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}}}>Begin
Memo to George W. Bush from James Madison: "No nation can preserve
its freedom in the midst of continual warfare."
November 27 @ 6:54pm

It is always a tad troubling to reflect upon questions of George W.
Bush's familiarity with the Constitution and the original intents of
its authors. Unlike Bill Clinton, whose obsession with Thomas
Jefferson caused him to assert the precepts of the founders to a
greater extent than any president since Franklin Roosevelt, Bush the
Junior rarely references Jefferson, James Madison or other members of
the revolutionary cabal that got this American experiment started.
There is little evidence to suggest that the current President Bush
was ever particularly drawn to American history as a source of
inspiration or insight. He tended, as a student, more toward
cheerleader duties and fraternity pranks.
If the president is unfamiliar with the founders, however, they were
not unfamiliar with him -- or, at least, with his ilk.
Indeed, the Americans who thought longest and hardest about the role
of the executive in a system of shared governance, spent much energy
on consideration of the dangers of a president who imagined himself
all powerful --
 especially in times of war.
Such, now, are the times, and such is the executive.
This week, Bush has put himself in the interesting position of refusing to use the 
positive news out of Afghanistan to declare a sort of victory in the struggle between 
the world's greatest superpower and the "army" of fo
rmer divinity students and freelance holy warriors who make up the Taliban. Instead of 
gloating, the president has gone to great lengths to declare that "Afghanistan is 
still just the beginning" and to suggest that the na
tion's current military commitments entail a "long, long struggle."
The Bush administration's ever-expanding "war on terrorism" could, the president 
hinted, soon expand to involve direct conflict with Iraq. And Bush's self-proclaimed 
"mighty struggle" will not stop there. The extent of th
e president's designs may seem ill defined -- as he has never really explained them to 
the Congress or the American people. But he seems quite certain of himself. Asked 
whether he might be evolving the current engagement'
s scope a good deal beyond the parameters of the writ Congress gave him to respond to 
the September 11 terrorist attacks, Bush replied, "Have I expanded the definition? 
I've always had that definition, as far as I'm conce
rned."
So we find ourselves in a state of sort-of war -- by any reasonable reading of the 
Constitution, this remains an undeclared mission -- that we are told will be of a 
continual nature.
Which brings us back to the founders.
James Madison, who poured more energy than any of the other drafters of the 
Constitution into consideration of the appropriate extent of presidential powers, had 
a good deal to say about presidents engaging in "long, long
 struggles."
Warning that war is "the true nurse of executive aggrandizement," the
nation's fourth president argued:
"Of all the enemies of true liberty, war is, perhaps, the most to be
dreaded, because it comprises and develops the germ of every other.
War is the parent of armies; from these proceed debts and taxes; and
armies, and debts, and taxes are the known instruments for bringing
the many under the domination of the few. In war, too, the
discretionary power of the Executive is extended; its influence in
dealing out offices, honors and emoluments is  multiplied; and all
the means of seducing the minds, are added to those of subduing the
force, of the people. The same malignant aspect in republicanism may
be traced in the inequality of fortunes, and the opportunities of
fraud, growing out of a state of war, and in the degeneracy of manner
and of morals, engendered in both. No nation can preserve its freedom
in the midst of continual warfare."

End<{{{
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