-Caveat Lector-
From
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A22949-2001Dec10.html
> Sept. 11 awakened us to the reality that technology has enabled a
> small group of diabolical people living halfway around the globe to
> make large parts of our society vulnerable to attack.
>>>I don't know where Chuckie lives but Florida and New York and
Boston and Virginia are not "halfway around the globe" from the sites
of extreme vandalism perpetrated on September 11th. In fact, New
York is nowhere around the world ... zero = zero. What technology he
refers to, I don't know. Box cutters? Fluoridian flight training
schools? Perhaps that which the INS has sitting in front of them,
perhaps used as large paper weights, OKA "computers"? Perhaps these
are aspects of technology to Chuckie, all acquired right here in the
United States, legally and openly. If not here, then even on the
softest glow of a scintilla of a hint of scanty evidence that these
abuses of technology originated from beyond our borders, East, West,
North, or South, then who, which people, provided the perpetrators
with the means to acquire this "technology"? It couldn't have been
the Americans! A<>E<>R <<<
}}}>Begin
Big Government Looks Better Now
By Charles E. Schumer
Tuesday, December 11, 2001; Page A33
The recent disputes in Congress over airline security and stimulating
the economy, like so many other arguments in Washington, revolve
around a fundamental question: How big should the federal government
be? Since the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, those who believe
the federal government should shrink have had the upper hand. Sept.
11 changed all that. For the foreseeable future, the federal
government will have to grow. The next few years will more closely
resemble the mid-1930s, when federal power dramatically increased;
but this new deal will involve an overarching federal effort to bring
physical, not economic, security to our people.
Sept. 11 awakened us to the reality that technology has enabled a
small group of diabolical people living halfway around the globe to
make large parts of our society vulnerable to attack. For the first
time, we are engaged in a war in which more Americans are likely to
die on the home front than on the battlefield. As a result, we are at
the beginning of a process of recalibration, where preparation for
physical security will take a great deal more of our time and
resources at both a personal and societal level.
Our society will have to examine the vulnerable pressure points in
our country -- air travel, nuclear power plants, public health
systems, power and computer grids, border crossings -- and work to
protect each from terrorist attack. The list of vulnerable areas will
grow as technology evolves and continues to allow small groups of
terrorists to threaten large parts of our society. Only one entity
has the breadth, strength and resources to lead this recalibration
and pay for its costs -- the federal government.
To ask each town and village to guard all the power lines, gas lines
and aqueducts is too much; to ask large private-sector companies such
as airlines and food processors to be wholly responsible for the
security of their products is also too much. It is not just that
Washington is the only entity with the ability to raise the resources
our new situation requires; the notion of letting a thousand
different ideas compete and flourish -- which works so well to create
goods and services -- does not work at all in the face of a national
security emergency. Unity of action and purpose is required, and only
the federal government can provide it.
The era of a shrinking federal government has come to a close. From
1912 to 1980, the federal government grew with little interruption.
The modern conservative movement, beginning with Barry Goldwater in
1964 and attaining power with Ronald Reagan's victory in 1980, argued
that Washington had grown too large, too inefficient and too out of
touch. Even liberals had to admit there was some truth to this
argument. For the next two decades, the federal government stopped
growing, and by some measures even shrank, with Bill Clinton doing
more of the shrinking than any other president. But our new situation
has dramatically reversed that trend. Within a few years, those like
Dick Armey and Tom DeLay, who believe that any time the federal
government moves, its fingers should be chopped off, will be fighting
an increasingly desperate rear guard action.
The changing times present President Bush with what could be the
greatest challenge of his presidency. The tectonic plates beneath us
are inexorably moving us to larger federal involvement. Surveys show
that the American people are willing to cede more authority and
dollars to Washington to do such things as tighten borders, make the
skies safer and shore up our public health systems. Many who know
George Bush well say he instinctively recognizes this change. But
many in the base of his party do not. Since Sept. 11, the president
has had to face down the hard right as often as he has fought with
Democrats.
It will be very difficult for the president to break with the hard
right, even though our times demand it. After all, it was Tom DeLay
and not Tom Daschle who helped elect him president. But the "new" New
Deal is upon us. The president can either lead the charge or be run
over by it.
The writer is a Democratic senator from New York.
© 2001 The Washington Post Company
End<{{{
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