-Caveat Lector-

[A-Infos Editor Note: The author is a US Jew for long
years active in the anti nuclear struggle. Was
involved with the Committee to free Mordechay Vanunu
the Israeli atom bomb whistle blower now already 14
years in jail. live the last few years in Israel and
the main activist in the committee against demolition
of houses of Palestinians. I. S.]

(I wrote this as an analytical piece to put the
current violence in the Middle East in a wider
political perspective. What is missing is a call to
action, a mobilization of all international forces -
governments, the UN, NGOs, faith-based organizations,
media, academics, concerned individuals - to bring
about an immediate cessation of hostilities. But this
is not enough. Such a call MUST be based upon a
commitment of the United States and Europe that
negotiations aimed explicitly at completely ending
Israeli occupation and ensuring the emergence of a
viable and truly sovereign Palestinian state are
inaugurated within a defined period of time. This is
our only agenda at this fateful moment, and it is
impossible to overemphasize the urgency of our
efforts. Unless we act now and effectively, this Human
Rights Day of 2001, we will witness in the next few
weeks or months the victory of occupation over the
fight for independence and the emergence of yet
another apartheid situation.)

Jeff Halper


THE FINAL PUSH TO DEFEAT THE PALESTINIANS

By Jeff Halper


The whirlwind unleashed on the Palestinians by the
Israeli government following the Ze'evi assassination
in October and now, in early December, on the heels of
the suicide attacks in Jerusalem, Haifa, Afula and
elsewhere, goes far beyond mere retaliation against
terrorism. Viewed in the context of Bush's attempts to
build a "coalition against terror," it is a last
desperate effort to bring "industrial quiet" to what's
been called the Second Front, the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict, a precondition for building any sustained
coalition that includes Arab and Muslim countries.
This can be accomplished in one of two ways. Either a
satisfactory political solution can be imposed on the
parties with a lot of arm-twisting and sweetening, or
the Palestinians can be made to submit to
Israeli-American dictates.

The first, preferred by the Americans as a resolution
of the conflict, have met fundamental obstacles on
both the Israeli and Palestinian sides. The Israelis
steadfastly refuse to dismantle their occupation and
relinquish control to a degree that would permit a
viable and truly sovereign Palestinian state to
emerge. For his part, Arafat has failed to produce a
coherent program for negotiations, and has squandered
the opportunity given him by the Intifada to reframe
the negotiations in a more equitable way. Faced with a
unfocused resistance movement with no political
program and fueled by ever more violent attacks
against Israeli civilian targets, the American
government seems to have been persuaded by Sharon and
Peres to choose the second option: defeating the
Palestinians outright.

Given their tight time-line for coalition-building and
military actions, the Americans are looking for a
quick fix, a reasonable period of industrial quiet in
the Middle East. Allowing themselves to be persuaded
that Israel can bring the Palestinian Authority to its
knees within a matter of weeks, thereby reopening the
"peace process" on terms favorable to Israel, has its
attractions. It is in keeping with the long-standing
American bias strongly in favor of Israel, it avoids
conflicts with a solidly pro-Israeli Congress (89
senators issued a letter recently warning Bush against
compromising Israel's interests), and it can be "sold"
as legitimate retaliation against "Palestinian
terrorism" - thus legitimizing Sharon's attempts to
link Arafat and the Palestinians integrally with Bin
Laden and anti-American/anti-"civilization" world
terrorism. Given the weak, almost incoherent,
political position of the Palestinians, this option
seems the most workable in the short run.

Sharon, then, has received a "green light" from Bush
to bring quiet to the region through military means,
to be followed (no hurry here) by negotiations that
will give the Palestinians a mini-state while leaving
Israel in control of the area between the Jordan River
and the Mediteranean. (It was reported on the Channel
One news on Friday night, December 7, that Sharon
promised Bush not to kill or harm Arafat, to which
Bush replied: "Just promise me you won't kill him.")

The strategy of Sharon, Peres and the others of the
"National Unity" government has five main elements:

1. Massive military actions. Besiegement, military
strikes against the fragile Palestinian infrastructure
and assassinations of key political and resistance
figures - the kind of attacks employing heavy American
weapons we are witnessing now (early December) -- are
fundamental to browbeating the Palestinians into
submissiveness. But overt military actions must be
carefully framed in order to maintain Israel's image
as a mere peace-seeking "victim" and to avert
attention from its ongoing, deepening and ever more
brutal Occupation. Following violent acts against
Israel, they are cast as part of a "war against
terrorism," indeed as part of Israel's "natural right"
to defend its people. Having removed the response from
its political context - a struggle against an illegal
occupation - Israel is then free to unleash its entire
arsenal (nuclear aside) against whatever targets it
wishes for as prolonged a period as it desires.
Whatever we may think of Palestinian terrorism as a
legitimate political and military tool, casting its
military strikes as "retaliatory," justifying its
massive destruction as part of a "war" with the
Palestinians and concealing its Occupation allows
Israel to engage in both political repression and
state terrorism without being held accountable.
Indeed, the entire chain of cause-and-effect is lost
as Israel presents each Palestinian attack as a new
and separate incident, divorced from the Occupation or
previous Israel actions. The disproportionality of the
attacks in October and December show clearly how
specific incidents are used for far-reaching political
and military gains.

2. A campaign of attrition. Certainly military attacks
are part of an Israeli campaign of attrition designed
to wear down Palestinian resistance over time. But
long-term policies, less visible and less dramatic,
are no less effective. House demolitions, land
expropriation, permanent closure and prolonged
curfews, restrictions on freedom of movement, induced
impoverishment, economic warfare of various kinds
(such as clearing agricultural fields, uprooting
thousands of olive and fruit trees, prohibiting
harvests, confiscating livestock and preventing the
marketing of produce), "quiet" bureaucratic
deportations and a dirty war employing collaborators -
all these and more undermine the fabric of Palestinian
society and weaken its ability to withstand the
Occupation. The campaign is designed not only to break
the will of the Palestinian people but to undermine
its support for the Palestinian Authority, hopefully
giving rise to a more compliant leadership.

3. Creating irreversible "facts" on the ground. The
grand project of expanding Israel's control over the
Occupied Territories, systematically pursued according
to the "master plan" presented by Sharon to Begin in
1977, is nearing completion. The Mitchell Commission's
recommendations that settlement construction be
frozen, which the Palestinians and others seem to
think will be effective in halting the Occupation, is
already irrelevant. Israel has enough land and
settlements already: 60% of the West Bank and another
60% of Gaza are firmly under its control. 400,000
settlers live in some 200 settlements across the
"Green Line. Now its efforts are dedicated to
completing the infrastructural work needed to
consolidate its hold on the Territories. Almost
unnoticed is the construction of 450 kilometers of
highways and "by-pass" roads which link the
settlements but create massive barriers to Palestinian
movement. Since these major infrastructure projects
have been agreed to - and funded -- by the Americans,
they fall outside the Mitchell Committee's "freeze."
They constitute the last key element in the Matrix of
Control Israel has laid over the Occupied Territories,
and bulldozers are working ceaselessly to complete the
system.

4. Delaying tactics. Sharon's demand for "seven days
of quiet" before implementing the Mitchell Report has
already delayed the resumption of negotiations by
months. Time and again "crises" are manufactured
(often following unprovoked assassinations, house
demolitions or other acts on the part of Israel),
which that provide a pretext for not implementing
agreements or restarting negotiations. Broad hints by
Israeli political leaders that they will seek only
long-term "interim agreements" rather than a final
status settlement will leave Israel in de facto
control of the Occupied Territories - or at least in
control long enough to complete its irreversible
Matrix of Control.

5. Delegitimizing the Palestinian Authority. Since
September 11 the Israeli government has worked
tirelessly to cast the Palestinian Authority as an
integral part of "world terrorism." Sharon has called
Arafat "our Bin Laden," and following the attacks in
Jerusalem and Haifa the Israeli government officially
labeled the Palestinian Authority as a
"terror-sponsoring entity" - obviously hoping to
impart to the Palestinians the same international
delegitimacy attached to other recognized terrorist
organizations.

This is the program that unites the broad coalition of
Israel's National Unity government, from the Labor
party on the "left" through the Likud, the religious
and the parties of the extreme right. At its base lies
the rock-bottom refusal to truly share the country
with the Palestinians, in either one state or in two.
Yet - and this is the catch -- Israel needs a
Palestinian state to "relieve it" of the three and a
half million Palestinians of the Occupied Territories
it can neither absorb (giving citizenship to this
population would nullify a Jewish-dominated state) nor
control forever by force. While the Palestinians
strive for political independence in a viable state
alongside Israel, Israel is striving for what is calls
"autonomy-plus/independence-minus," a kind of
occupation-by-consent that leaves in it in control of
the entire country yet rids it of the Palestinian
population. This, in a nutshell, describes what the
Oslo "peace process" was all about.

Since occupation-by-consent will not be willingly
accepted by the Palestinians, but a just peace based
on true Palestinian independence is unacceptable to
Israel, Israel must force it upon the Palestinians.
For Israel, too, the time-line is tight. Bush's green
light" is good for a couple weeks - perhaps somewhat
longer if "justified" by further attacks on Israeli
civilians - but it will eventually run into major
obstacles: the recommendations of the Mitchell
Committee and CIA chief Tenet which await
implementation, General Zinni's mission to achieve a
cease-fire, and the overarching need to sustain a
coalition including the Arab and Muslim countries.
Hence the ferocity of Israel's attacks, the final push
to defeat the Palestinians once and for all.

It is one minute to midnight. Already Israel has
largely completed its physical incorporation of the
West Bank into Israel proper, foreclosing any
possibility of a viable Palestinian state. If the
current campaign of repression succeeds, occupation
will be followed by the creation of a dependent
Palestinian mini-state - a permanent
occupation-by-consent not of the Palestinians, but of
the US and a compliant Europe. These are the fateful
days of reckoning: a just peace based on two viable
and sovereign states, or the emergence of a
Palestinian bantustan under Israeli control, a new
apartheid.

(Jeff Halper is the Coordinator of the Israeli
Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD). He can be
reached at [EMAIL PROTECTED])

http://www.infoshop.org/inews/stories.php?story=01/12/11/7302917


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