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http://www.anti-fascism.org/cult3-2.html

The Scent of a Cult
Benjamin Wittes


"The only difference between a cult and a religion is
a hundred years," said the editor of a prominent
Washington weekly in turning down a proposal for an
article on the Church of Scientology. The particular
editor in question is devoutly secular, so it's not
too surprising that he would paint the issue with such
a broad brush. What's far more surprising is the
number of religious individuals and organizations who
are on record as agreeing with him, either equating
religions and cults or insisting on the blurriness of
any line that might separate them.

It might seem perverse for honestly religious people
to group their faiths with those of the sadists and
megalomaniacs who run most cults, but a growing number
are doing just that. A substantial sector of religious
America, for example, sees the firefight in Waco as an
attack on radical religion and places the cutting edge
of religious freedom in the defense of cults' free
exercise rights.

According to the commonly accepted criteria for
defining cults, the line between cults and religions
is fuzzy indeed. The Cult Awareness Network (CAN), a
Chicago-based clearinghouse of information on cults,
identifies the following seven characteristics of
"destructive cults": mind control, charismatic
leadership, deception, exclusivity, alienation,
exploitation, and totalitarian worldview. But as
Thomas Taylor writes in Christianity Today, "Almost
all Christian denominations have some aspects that
would fit into the many vague definitions of cults."
In fact, not only Christian denominations but all
religions exhibit aspects that at least superficially
resemble the defining features of cults. Do cults use
controlled hunger to break down the resistance of
members? So do Jews on Yom Kippur. Do cults isolate
members for indoctrination sessions? Many religions
sponsor retreats. Do cult members live together and
eschew the outside world? So do monks. Do cults tap
their adherents for money? So do televangelists and
virtually all congregations. Do cults use mind
control? Ah, but isn't it precisely the purpose of all
religions to alter the way their adherents perceive
the world? Brainwashing would be a more useful
description of cults if someone could identify exactly
what the word means.

The difference between a cult and a religion, of
course, lies in extremity. Cults generally exhibit all
seven of the CAN's criteria, while religions generally
don't, and cults exhibit them with far greater vigor
than religions do. Judaism, for example, demands of
its practitioners an occasional day without food; most
cults systematically malnourish their members. Still,
without identifying an aspect of cults that is not
also an aspect of established religious movements,
these two classes of organization appear more similar
than they really are. The confusion I have described
induces a natural concern among religious
organizations that a crackdown on cults could presage
a crackdown on mainstream religions. As Taylor warns,
"'We,' who sometimes wish that the government would
restrict the behavior of [cults], may someday become
'them,' the prospective subjects of scrutiny and
regulation."

CAN's definition of cults, then, lacks what we might
call a red flag-one additional, readily visible
criterion that stands beyond such argumentation. I
shall propose one-though not, be it understood, in
order to define cults as beyond First Amendment
protection. The slippery slope that Taylor fears is
very real; and the interests of a free society
generally-and religious people specifically-are
probably best served by toleration of the broadest
range of religious beliefs, no matter how vulgar. I
offer this refinement, rather, in the interests of
intellectual clarity and so that religious
organizations don't confuse their constitutional
defense of cults with some broader sense of
commonality with them. Where this issue concerns the
Supreme Court, in other words, it may be useful that a
cult should be deemed a religion; nevertheless, it is
necessary for us to understand why most Americans,
properly, intuit a difference between the
Scientologists and the Moonies on the one hand and the
Lubavichers on the other.

The quickest way to detect a cult is to sniff for
doublethink. The cult seeks control over its
membership not by providing a coherent theological
system but by providing the opposite: an unstable
theology infinitely malleable to the needs of the
cult's top echelon and uninterpretable at all times to
anyone below that level. Specifically, the cult
destabilizes its theology by controlling its religious
language-through ambiguity, definitional reversals,
and deliberate imprecision. What ultimately separates
religions from cults is not that cults seek to control
the minds of adherents but that they employ Orwellian
doublethink to do so and use the cover of language to
effect the far more outrageous means of control set
forth by CAN.

The Unification Church's use of the word "Messiah"
provides a case in point. Reverend Moon on several
occasions has called himself the Messiah, and the
Moonie sacred text, Divine Principle, declares flatly
that the Messiah was born in Korea between the two
world wars (Moon was born in 1920). At other times,
however, the church hierarchy demurs on the question
of Moon's divinity. More important, it's not entirely
clear what the word Messiah means in the church's
vocabulary- the word means different things at
different times. Jesus was the Messiah, according to
the Moonies, but he failed in his mission to unite the
world under a single theocracy, because he didn't
marry and have children. Moon, then, represents the
Second Coming, though not the Second Coming as
described in Revelation. The National Council of
Churches (NCC), in a critique of Unification theology,
questioned the "meaning and intelligibility" of the
Moonie view of the Messiah. While the NCC's first
concern was that the teachings were un-Christian, for
our purposes the more important critique is their
incoherence.

The comparison with Lubavich Hasidism is instructive.
Many (though by no means all) Lubavicher Hasidim
believed that Menachem Mendel Schneerson was the
Messiah. In sharp contrast with the Moonies, however,
"Messiah" has the same specific meaning to Lubavichers
as it does to all religious Jews. Two thousand years
of post-Second Temple Judaism has provided a framework
of Jewish messianism, and Lubavichers could define
precisely and briefly what they meant when they called
Schneerson "King Moshiach." By contrast, when reporter
Colin McEnroe last year asked Unification Church
spokesman Peter Ross whether Rev. Moon was the
Messiah, Ross suggested in effect that the question
was unanswerable. "Do you have two days?" he said to
McEnroe. When the reporter asked whether Ross could
give a summary explanation, Ross told him, "That is
the short version."

The Moonies have likewise rendered meaningless a
series of words connected to family. The church refers
to itself as "the family," and members call each other
"brother" and "sister." Moon calls himself and his
wife the "true parents." At the same time, the church
urges new recruits to cut off contact with their
biological families (parents in particular). The
purpose, of course, is to appropriate to the church
those words people intuitively associate with loyalty,
love, and obedience, and to disconnect those words
from biological relationships. Yet even as Moon
interrupts normal family relations and appropriates
the authority of parents, church literature refers to
family values, clearly referring not to the church
family but to the traditional nuclear family.

The principle vehicle for imposing doublethink is
control over language, a dramatic example here being
the Church of Scientology, a pseudo- religious cult
oriented around the writings of L. Ron Hubbard.
Hubbard created a dialect that rivals Orwell's
Newspeak in its complexity and capacity for
indoctrination. As journalist Stewart Lamont writes in
Religion Inc: The Church of Scientology, "This
org-speak is a feature of Scientology in which all
terms are defined strictly and processes given
technical names by Ron. Like the Red Queen, a word
means what Ron says it means." Lamont further explains
that this "org-speak is an alphabet soup of initials,
jargon, and pseudo-technical expressions. This
heightens the impression that a science is being
taught and that it is esoteric and unavailable to the
bungling ignoramuses in the outside world."

In Scientology courses, students are made to use a
Hubbard-written dictionary to look up every unknown
word in their texts. The dictionaries, according to
Lamont, "define words the Hubbard way." In addition to
the technical words, they include English words
Hubbard wishes to redefine; he defines "having," for
example, as "to be able to touch or permeate or to
direct the disposition of." No other reference
material is permitted to be used in reading Hubbard's
texts. In other words, not only does the church
control its source texts, it controls the tools with
which the members process them. By its own definition,
the Church has (directs the disposition of) the
English language and thereby has its adherents'
thoughts.

Political as well as religious cults can be
distinguished from legitimate organizations by their
use of doublethink. Though political cults espouse
extremist ideologies, not extremist theologies,
operationally they are virtually identical to
religious cults, and they also go to great lengths to
control the vocabularies of their members. Dennis
King, in his book Lyndon LaRouche and the New American
Fascism, describes how LaRouche turned his National
Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC) from a Trotskyite
organization into an anti-Semitic neo-fascist group:


LaRouche helped his followers overcome their moral
qualms by reframing reality for them through semantic
tricks and false syllogisms.
The resulting belief system involved four layers: a
redefinition of "Jew," a redefinition of "Nazi," a
denial of the concept of "left" and "right" in
politics (to totally disorient the believer); and, for
Jewish LaRouchians, a guilt trip and special fears.

According to King, LaRouche distinguished between real
and fake Jews, defining the latter as Zionists and
practitioners of religious Judaism and calling them
"Jews who are not Jews." Real Jews, according to
LaRouche, are followers of Philo of Alexandria, a
first-century Jewish thinker with no modern following
other than the Jews of the LaRouche movement.

LaRouche's redefinition of "Nazi" is even more
sinister. Writes King,


He argued that Hitler was put into power by the
Rothschilds and other wealthy
Jews-who-are-not-really-Jews. These evil oligarchs
invented Nazi racialism and brainwashed the Nazis to
accept it. They then urged Hitler and his cronies to
persecute the German Jews so the latter would flee to
Palestine, where the Rothschilds had decided to set up
a zombie state as a tool of their world domination. .
. . Thus did LaRouche place the ultimate blame for
Hitler's crimes on the
Jews-who-are-not-Jews-but-really-are-the-Jews- anyway.

In LaRouche literature, the words "Nazi" and "Jew" are
both used sometimes pejoratively and sometimes in
praise. Moreover, Nazi beliefs and practices are
pejoratively called Jewish, and Jewish political
practices, both in the U.S. and in Israel, are
pejoratively called Nazi.

On the other end of the political spectrum, the New
Alliance Party (NAP) plays similar games. The
left-wing cult is led by former LaRouche associate Dr.
Fred Newman (although the titular leader is Dr. Lenora
Fulani, who fronts for the party as its presidential
candidate), who considers himself a modern Lenin and
writes hardline Marxist political tracts. At the same
time, the NAP is not above McCarthyite red-baiting
towards its rivals on the left. The party's paper, the
National Alliance, attacked former NAP member William
Pleasant with the banner headline: "William Pleasant's
Latest Writings: Communism's Stinking Corpse." In NAP
language, the words "left," "communist," and
"Marxist-Leninist" are all positive when applied to
the NAP itself, but they are also signals for a priori
condemnation when referring to anyone else.

These semantic tricks are not simply oddities of a few
isolated cults, but the very source of the cognitive
power of cults, the means by which cults concentrate
power at the top of the pyramid. Since mainstream
religions don't control language, their religious
authorities simply can't exercise the degree of power
over membership that cult leaders can when they make
an active effort to reduce the critical capacities of
their adherents. Even religions that have historically
concentrated extreme power in the hands of their
leadership, the Mormons and the Lubavichers, for
example, face a great deal more dissent within their
ranks than the mildest of true cults. Without
tampering with the definition of "Messiah," those
Lubavich leaders who believe that Schneerson was the
Messiah have not been able to make their view
universally accepted within the movement. Now that the
Rebbe is dead, it is an open question whether or not
Schneerson's successors (whoever they turn out to be)
will bring about such a redefinition. If they do-and
the talk within the movement of Schneerson's imminent
return might be the stirrings of that
redefinition-Lubavich may yet evolve into a cult. In
its current form, however, it has a long way to go.

The cult is no more a subset of religion than it is a
subset of political party. While some cults orient
themselves around ideology and some around theology
(and some around self-discovery, and some around
psychoanalysis), and they can thus appear to resemble
religious or political organizations, cults actually
constitute a phenomenon of their own. The free
exercise clause protects any organization oriented
around a theological worldview. It would be a grave
error, however, to conclude that all who come under
that protection have anything more in common than the
protection itself.




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