-Caveat Lector-

This article appears in the Aug. 31, 2001 issue of
Executive Intelligence Review.
Israeli Spies: 'Mega Was Not
An Agent; Mega Was the Boss'
by Jeffrey Steinberg


For a brief period of time in early 1997, the Central
Intelligence Agency, the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, and the National Security Agency
engaged in a frantic mole hunt for an Israeli spy,
believed to be operating inside the highest levels of
the Clinton Administration national security
establishment. By the time the mole hunt was made
public--in a May 7, 1997 Washington Post leak--the
hunt had been abruptly ended, and for all intents and
purposes, the story disappeared from the news within a
matter of days.

According to the Post account, in January 1997, the
National Security Agency (NSA) had intercepted a phone
conversation between an Israeli official at the
embassy in Washington, and Danny Yatom, the head of
the Mossad, Israel's foreign intelligence service. The
official sought permission from the spy boss to "go to
Mega" in order to obtain a copy of a confidential
letter that had been sent by then-U.S. Secretary of
State Warren Christopher to Palestinian Authority
President Yasser Arafat, concerning U.S. assurances
about a recently negotiated agreement for an Israeli
military withdrawal from the Hebron area in the West
Bank. Yatom, according to the NSA intercept, rejected
the request, admonishing his agent, "This is not
something we use Mega for."

The idea that the Israeli government was running
another spy operation inside the U.S. national
security establishment created a tremendous stir. The
Washington Post, in its May 7, 1997 leak, had
reported, "One official with knowledge of the FBI
investigation into the identity of Mega cautioned that
much remained unknown. But the official said that if
it turned out that a senior U.S. official was passing
sensitive information to Israeli authorities, it could
prove more serious than the espionage case involving
Jonathan Jay Pollard, a former Navy analyst who was
convicted in 1986 of selling U.S. military
intelligence documents to Israel."

To this day, the Pollard affair is a hot-button issue
inside the U.S. intelligence community. At the time of
Pollard's arrest in November 1985, it was known that
the Navy analyst had been "tasked" to obtain specific
U.S. military intelligence secrets, by someone much
higher up in the U.S. intelligence community. To this
day, the hunt for "Mr. X," Pollard's inside
controller, continues. In 1986, EIR had revealed the
existence of not merely a "Mr. X," but an "X
Committee," made up of nearly a dozen top-level
Pentagon and National Security Council officials, all
suspected of having been part of the Pollard spy
network.

Given the seriousness of the Mega security breach, the
abrupt shutdown of the mole hunt naturally prompted
some wild speculation about the circumstances under
which the search for Mega was abandoned. In March
1999, British author Gordon Thomas released a book,
Gideon's Spies, which alleged that Israel had
blackmailed the Clinton Administration, with the
threat to release tapped telephone conversations
between the President and Monica Lewinsky, to force
Washington to abandon the Mega hunt. Indeed, in her
testimony before independent counsel Kenneth Starr,
Lewinsky had reported that the President had warned
her, on March 29, 1997, at the height of the Mega
hunt, that he suspected the White House telephones
were being tapped by agents of an unnamed foreign
country.

Years later, it was revealed that the White House
communications system had been overhauled and
modernized during the early Clinton era, and one of
the main outside contractors involved in the project
was an Israeli firm, Amdocs. According to a May 2000
story in Insight magazine, Amdocs employees would have
had nearly unfettered access to White House telephone
lines and other super-sensitive communications
equipment. However, the nature of the request from the
Mossad man in Washington to Yatom—to obtain a
confidential State Department document—rules out the
possibility that Mega was an electronic eavesdropping
source.

Mega-Suspects
Even though the Mega hunt was formally called off,
still in some U.S. intelligence quarters, the effort
to unearth the suspected Israeli spy cell apparently
continued. In September 2000, a CIA team of
counterintelligence specialists arrived in Israel,
after U.S. Ambassador Martin Indyk had his security
clearances temporarily lifted. Ostensibly, Indyk had
breached security guidelines by bringing classified
U.S. government documents to his residence in Tel
Aviv. But it later was revealed that the CIA probe was
triggered by an August 2000 unauthorized meeting
between Indyk and the former head of the Mossad,
Ephraim Halevy, which the ambassador had never
reported back to Washington.

If there were anyone in the Clinton Administration's
political hierarchy who was a prime candidate to be
the Israeli spy Mega, it was Indyk. A British-born
Australian citizen, Indyk had been Australia's top
Mideast security official in the late 1970s, as deputy
director of current Mideast intelligence at the
Australian Office of National Assessments, the
equivalent of the U.S. National Security Council. But,
Indyk abruptly quit the post after just ten months,
prompting speculation that he had come under suspicion
of spying for Israel (he had lived in Israel while
completing his dissertation on "The Power of the Weak:
The Ability of Israel and Egypt to Resist the Policies
of their Super-Power Patrons"). According to British
journalist Kevin Dowling, Indyk next surfaced in
Israel, as a "media consultant" to Israel's Likud
Prime Ministers, Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir.

In 1982, Indyk came to America, ostensibly on a
six-month sabbatical from his duties with the Office
of the Israeli Prime Minister. Based out of Cornell
University, Indyk formed a research department for the
America-Israeli Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), the
"official" Israeli lobby in the United States. Within
a year, AIPAC had ponied up $100,000 to Indyk to hive
off the research unit as the Washington Institute for
Near East Policy (WINEP). Pro-Israel luminaries in
Washington, including former Vice President Walter
Mondale, former Secretaries of State George Shultz and
Alexander Haig, and former United Nations Ambassador
Jeane Kirkpatrick, were among the initiating members
of WINEP's advisory board, according to Dowling's
Sept. 27, 2000 account of the Indyk
counterintelligence probe.

Indyk's "six-month sabbatical" never ended, but it was
not until 1987 that the Australian got his first green
card, permitting him to work in the United States.
Indyk was made a U.S. citizen on Jan. 12, 1993—just
eight days before he was appointed to the incoming
Clinton Administration's National Security Council
(NSC) staff as Senior Director for Near East and South
Asian Affairs. Indyk had already been an informal
Mideast policy adviser to President George H.W. Bush,
at the initiative of Dennis Ross, Bush's Assistant
Secretary of State, previously a deputy to Indyk at
WINEP. At the time of the Mega hunt, Indyk had Ross'
old job as Assistant Secretary of State for the Near
East.

Another prime suspect in the Mega mole hunt was Leon
Fuerth, Vice President Albert Gore's national security
adviser, and another well-known pro-Likud fanatic. The
Washington Post, in a 1998 profile of Fuerth, reported
that he was suspected by U.S. intelligence officials
of passing sensitive U.S. policy information to
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (Likud), a
passionate, personal enemy of President Clinton, who
was suspected of activating the Mega spy operation.

Also on the Mega list of suspects inside the Clinton
national security apparatus was Richard Clarke, the
National Security Council "counterterrorism czar," who
was fired from the State Department and brought onto
the Bush Administration NSC in 1992, after he was
accused by the State Department's Inspector General of
concealing illegal Israeli arms sales to China.

The Purloined Letter Principle
While all of the above-mentioned Bush- and Clinton-era
national security operatives may have been, indeed,
secretly, or not-so-secretly passing critical American
policy papers and classified documents to the Likud
faction in Israel; and, while then-Israeli Prime
Minister Netanyahu and his Mossad mandarins may have
been attempting to blackmail the President, there is a
much simpler answer to the Mega puzzle: Mega was not a
deep mole inside the White House. Mega was a far more
visible, far more powerful entity, known among its
several dozen members as "the Mega Group."

The existence of the Mega Group came to light, almost
exactly a year after the Washington Post revealed that
the mole hunt was under way. Yet, the story of the
Mega Group, which appeared in the Wall Street Journal
on May 4, 1998, made no mention of espionage, and did
not mention the Mossad, the CIA, or Monica Lewinsky,
even in passing. Despite that, the Mega Group
precisely fits the story of the illusive mole hunt, in
a manner that has profound policy implications to this
day, as President George W. Bush struggles to avoid an
outbreak of war in the Middle East, which would have
devastating consequences for the entire planet.

Under the innocent headline, "Titans of Industry Join
Forces To Work for Jewish Philanthropy," Wall Street
Journal staff reporter Lisa Miller reported on an
April 1998 gathering of some 20 Jewish billionaires,
at the Manhattan apartment of hedge-fund manager
Michael Steinhardt. That gathering involved some of
the most powerful names in the Jewish lobby in
America, starting with Edgar Bronfman, the chairman of
the World Jewish Congress. Others included: Charles
Bronfman, Edgar's brother and a top executive of the
family's flagship Seagrams Corp.; Leslie Wexler of
Limited, Inc.; Charles Schusterman, chairman of Samson
Investment Co. of Tulsa, Oklahoma; Harvey "Bud"
Meyerhoff, a fabulously wealthy and powerful Baltimore
real estate magnate; Laurence Tisch, chairman of Loews
Corp.; Max Fisher, the Detroit oil magnate and
Republican Party powerhouse; bagel magnate Max Lender;
and Leonard Abramson, the founder of U.S. Healthcare.

According to the Journal account, the Mega Group was
founded in 1991 by Wexler and Charles Bronfman, to add
greater clout to the Israeli lobby, by establishing an
informal, but all-powerful policymaking group, able to
deploy billions of dollars in "charitable" funds for
the maximum effect on U.S. policy toward Israel, the
Mideast, and other issues of paramount importance to
the Jewish megabillionaires. The Mega Group convenes
twice a year, for two-day sessions, where, behind
closed doors, the members make life-and-death
decisions, affecting U.S. policy. Membership is by
invitation only; the meetings are secret (the Wall
Street Journal story was the only coverage to ever
appear in the U.S. media about the existence of the
Mega Group, before the publication of this EIR
account); and the members each kick in $30,000 in
annual dues, to cover "operating expenses" for the
twice-yearly sessions.

Charles Bronfman reflected the Mega Group's propensity
for secrecy, when he told the Journal's Lisa Miller,
"From the beginning we didn't want to be seen as a
threat to anybody. And that still pertains. We don't
want to be seen as the Sanhedrin," a reference to the
highest court of the ancient Jews. "We don't want to
be looked at crooked." Charles' far more sinister and
slick brother, Edgar, tried to dismiss the activities
of the Mega Group, telling Miller, "We want to make it
cool to be Jewish."

Not So Cool
But then, a March 13, 2001 dispatch by the Jewish
Telegraph Agency revealed that the Mega Group is more
than a loose bunch of Jewish billionaires out to do
good. The JTA reported that newly installed Israeli
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon was about to launch a
two-pronged propaganda offensive inside the United
States, aimed at winning American support for his
plans to overturn the Mideast peace process. First,
the JTA revealed, the Sharon government announced that
it was hiring two U.S. public relations
firms—Rubenstein Associates and Morris, Carrick and
Guma—to peddle the Israeli government "spin" inside
the U.S. media and in policymaking circles in New York
and Washington.

The JTA wire continued, "More controversially, a
handful of Jewish mega-donors has created a think-tank
they hope will generate long-term strategies for
presenting Israel in a favorable light."

The new think-tank, Emet (the Hebrew word for
"truth"), JTA reported, is the collective brain-child
of Leonard Abramson, Edgar Bronfman, and Michael
Steinhardt—three of the leading Mega Group members
(JTA made no mention of Mega). The Mega Group is
expected to kick in $7 million to launch the new
organization, with the Israeli Foreign Ministry also
pledged to pony up $1 million in startup cash. But,
lest there be any confusion about who's in charge at
Emet, JTA revealed that "the group consulted with
[Malcolm] Hoelein, [Abe] Foxman and other Jewish
activists—and only then notified Israel's Foreign
Ministry, Foxman said." Hoelein, the executive vice
president of the Conference of Presidents of Major
American Jewish Organizations, is a fanatical backer
of the Sharon war-drive, a view he shared with the
just-retired president of the group, Ronald Lauder, a
big Sharon financial backer who met with Sharon in
September 2000—just before the latter staged his
provocation at the Islamic holy sites on the Temple
Mount/al-Haram al-Sharif in Jerusalem, triggering the
ongoing violence.

The Emet project has been criticized inside Israel, by
Foreign Ministry officials and peace activists alike.
As JTA reported, "Some Foreign Ministry officials
grumbled that American Jews were poaching on their
turf. Not surprisingly, they would prefer that any
extra money be funneled to the ministry's efforts....
Israel's left appeared concerned that hawkish American
Jews will use Emet to push a hard-line approach to the
peace process." Steinhardt, Bronfman, and Abramson
refused to talk about the project. But the
enthusiastic endorsement for Emet from Morton Klein,
president of the hawkish Zionist Organization of
America, is strong confirmation that the outfit will
peddle Sharon's war line. As EIR reported recently,
Klein led a delegation of right-wing Zionists and
evangelical Christians in a White House meeting, where
they threatened a Presidential representative with a
cutoff of support, if Bush attempted to interfere in
Sharon's war schemes (see Anton Chaitkin, "Temple
Mount Fanatics Seek To Blackmail Bush," EIR Aug. 24,
2001).

The Power of Money
The Mega Group story came full circle on May 5, 2001,
with the publication of a story in an obscure Israeli
online publication, Media Monitors Network, by writer
Israel Shamir. Shamir noted, with no lack of irony,
the meeting of the Mega Group, which had taken place
the previous day at the Manhattan mansion of Edgar
Bronfman.

Shamir first described a meeting he had recently had
with a Vermont-based psychoanalyst, the nephew of
Israel's first Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion. The
nephew prided himself on the fact that his closest
friends were Palestinians, and that he rejected the
idea of a Jewish "tribal" identity, preferring to view
all human beings as brethren.

Shamir observed, "That is the last thing the bosses
want. I would not be amazed if they discussed it
yesterday, when they met in the Edgar Bronfman mansion
in Manhattan. The head of the World Jewish Congress
hosted a meeting of the 50 richest and most powerful
Jews of the U.S. and Canada. There was no press
coverage, no limelight, just a few lines in the
newspapers.... They agreed to launch a PR program
under the Orwellian codename of 'Truth' with the
purpose of influencing American public opinion
regarding Israeli policies."

Shamir continued, "The megabucks call themselves 'Mega
group.' This name appeared in the media a couple of
years ago, as a name for the secret Israeli mole in
the upper reaches of the U.S. establishment. It came
up in an overheard phone conversation, later denied by
the Israeli embassy in Washington, D.C. The newshounds
and spook watchers got it wrong. 'Mega' was not an
agent, Mega was the boss."

With some bitterness, Shamir wrote, "Megabucks
influence us, even more than they influence the U.S.
Our politicians are as weak and corrupt as America's
and they are easier to swing. Even relative
small-timers can cause eruption and bloodshed, like
the California bingo-parlor owner [Irving] Moskowitz,
who pushed our ex-prime minister Netanyahu to open the
tunnel under the Haram al Sharif.... The Megabucks can
buy Israel with their spare change. If they wish, we
would have peace in Palestine today. But they are not
interested in Israel per se.... Megabucks care for
themselves, and they need Israel in order to keep the
American Jews together, supporting them. That is why
they do not mind bloodshed in Palestine, and even a
bloody regional war does not scare them."

Shamir concluded: "In my opinion, Megabucks, rather
than forces of Caballa, move the events in the Middle
East. It is not magic, just money—but a lot of money.
They do not rule America or Israel, but they exercise
a lot of influence. Fifty multibillionaires united in
one framework present a very real force in the world."

Of course, Shamir does not have the picture precisely
right. The Bronfman-centered Mega Group is but one
component of an insane and desperate element within
the transatlantic financial establishment that is now
pressing for a "Clash of Civilizations," as a means of
responding to the collapse of their global financial
empire, and the threat of a new set of
Eurasia-centered cooperative arrangements among
nations supplanting their power. But, as far as the
Mega puzzle is concerned, Shamir has solved the
mystery.

No wonder Mossad boss Yatom scolded his
Washington-based underling with the warning, "This is
not something we use Mega for."



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