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INDIA, PAKISTAN PREPARE FOR WAR
By Bill Gertz
[THE WASHINGTON TIMES - 31 Dec 2001]:
Pakistan and India are readying their military forces —
including their ballistic missiles and nuclear weapons — for
war, The Washington Times has learned.
U.S. intelligence officials say
Pakistani military moves include
large-scale troop movements, the
dispersal of fighter aircraft and
preparations for the transportation
of nuclear weapons from storage
sites.
India also is moving thousands
of its troops near the border with
Pakistan and has dispersed some
aircraft to safer sites away from
border airfields, say officials
familiar with intelligence reports of
the war moves.
Pakistan is moving the equivalent of two armored brigades
— several thousand troops and hundreds of tanks and
armored vehicles — near the northern part of its border with
India.
Indian and Pakistani troops exchanged heavy mortar fire
over their border in southern Kashmir today, Agence
France-Presse reported. Five Indian soldiers were seriously
injured in the heaviest shelling in four months, a senior Indian
army official said.
More than 1,000 villagers were evacuated from their
homes overnight for the operation, according to the report.
Officials say the most alarming signs are preparations in
both states for the use of nuclear-tipped missiles.
Intelligence agencies have learned of indications that India
is getting its short-range Prithvi ballistic missiles ready for use.
The missiles are within range of the Pakistani capital,
Islamabad.
Meanwhile, Pakistan is mobilizing its Chinese-made
mobile M-11 missiles, also known as the Shaheen, which
have been readied for movement from a base near Sargodha,
Pakistan.
Intelligence reports indicate that India will have all its
forces ready to launch an attack as early as this week, with
Thursday or Friday as possible dates.
Pakistan could launch its forces before those dates in a
pre-emptive strike.
Disclosure of the war preparations comes as President
Bush on Saturday telephoned leaders of both nations, urging
them to calm tensions, a sign of administration concern over
the military moves in the region.
The administration also fears that a conflict between India
and Pakistan would undermine U.S. efforts to find terrorists
in Afghanistan.
U.S. military forces are heavily reliant on Pakistani
government permission to conduct overflights for bombing
and other aircraft operations into Afghanistan, primarily from
aircraft carriers located in the Arabian Sea.
With tensions growing between the states, U.S.
intelligence officials are divided over the ultimate meaning of
the indicators of an impending conflict.
The Pentagon's Joint Staff intelligence division, known as
J-2, late last week had assessed the danger of conflict at
"critical" levels.
Other joint intelligence centers outside the Pentagon,
including those supporting the U.S. military forces responsible
for the Asia-Pacific region and for Southwest Asia, assess the
danger of an India-Pakistan war as less than critical but still
"serious."
Intelligence officials are especially worried about
Pakistan's nuclear arsenal because control over the weapons
is decentralized. Even before the latest moves, regional
commanders could order the use of the weapons, which are
based on missiles or fighter-bombers.
The Prithvi has a range of about 155 miles, and the
Indians are estimated to have some 75 Prithvis in their
arsenal.
They also are working on longer-range Agni missiles.
U.S. intelligence officials believe India has about 60
nuclear weapons that can be delivered by missiles or aircraft.
Its nuclear-capable aircraft include Russian-made
bombers, including 10 Tu-142 Bears and four Tu-22M
Backfires, as well as several hundred MiG-27, MiG-29 and
Su-30 fighter-bombers.
Pakistan's missile force consists of some 50 M-11s, which
have a range of about 186 miles, enough to hit the Indian
capital of New Delhi. Its medium-range Ghauri missiles have
a range of about 800 miles, enough to hit most parts of India.
U.S. intelligence agencies have obtained reconnaissance
photographs from one Pakistani missile base that show
storage-shed doors open in preparation for the movement of
missiles. One of the photographs shows a line of 47 rail cars
on a track near the base in preparation for the movement of
missiles and their warheads.
The private Natural Resources Defense Council estimates
that Islamabad has between 24 and 48 nuclear weapons.
ANY MISTAKE CAN TRIBBER A NUCLEAR WAR
By Anwar Iqbal
WASHINGTON, Dec. 27 (UPI) -- India and Pakistan
are not ready to fight another war. At least not yet. Leaders
on both sides want to take their nations as close to a war as
possible without actually fighting it. By doing so, they hope to
force the other to capitulate.
The objectives are obvious.
India wants to settle the Kashmir
issue. Pakistan does not want to
settle this 53-year old dispute at
this stage when India is in a better
position to influence the outcome.
Instead it wants to weather the
storm and seek a solution when it
is in a position to negotiate a more
favorable deal with India.
However, such
eyeball-to-eyeball situation is
always fraught with dangers.
Indian and Pakistani leaders may
not want a war yet but such
excitement and tensions always increase the chance of an
accidental war. In a situation like this even a minor incident
can lead to, what both governments call the "unthinkable," a
nuclear catastrophe.
The current crisis in the Subcontinent is linked to the Sept.
11 terror attacks in the United States. The Indians believe
that the 9/11 tragedy has created a strong dislike in the world
for guerrilla wars and armed struggles. They want to take
advantage of this atmosphere to end insurgency in Kashmir
where, according to one estimate, more than 30,000 people
have been killed in clashes between Pakistan-backed
militants and Indian security forces during the last 10 years.
This is why India responded so quickly and strongly
against the Sept. 11 terror attacks, offering logistical support
and even military bases to U.S. forces for operations into
Afghanistan.
By doing so, India hoped to isolate Pakistan, a nation that
helped the Taliban militia capture Kabul and remain in power
for more than five years. Since several Kashmiri militant
groups were trained by the Taliban and al Qaida network of
Osama bin Laden, the Indians hoped that with some efforts
they could turn the war against the Afghan and Arab terrorists
into a war against the Kashmiri militants too.
The Indians were further encouraged when a U.S. bomb
hit a building in Kabul, killing 16 fighters of Lashkar-i-Toiba,
one of the two groups New Delhi blames for attacking the
Indian parliament on Dec. 13.
But they were surprised and annoyed when Pakistan
changed its Afghan policy overnight, dumped its Taliban allies
and offered military bases to the United States for operations
against the Taliban.
To India's dismay, Washington not only accepted
Pakistan's offer but also removed economic and military
sanctions imposed after the May 1998 nuclear tests by the
two South Asian neighbors. Washington further annoyed
India by also removing the so-called democracy sanctions
imposed on Pakistan when President Gen. Pervez Musharraf
toppled former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in October
1999.
Disappointed that Pakistan was so easily able to walk out
of a situation that India hoped to exploit for its benefit, New
Delhi continued to remind the world that "militants in Kashmir
are also terrorists."
"We refuse to accept this distinction between terrorists on
Pakistan's western border (Afghanistan) and those on its
eastern border (Kashmir). Terrorists are terrorists," says
India's Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh.
As the Americans crushed the Taliban and al Qaida and
installed a new government in Kabul, the Indians felt that the
U.S.-led forces may pull out of the region without helping
them crush "the Kashmiri terrorists," as India's former foreign
secretary, S. K. Singh said.
The Dec. 13 suicide attack on the Indian parliament
rekindled India's hopes. India's parliament is recognized as a
symbol of democracy around the world. As the legislative
body of the world's largest democracy, it enjoys a universal
respect. An attack on this symbol of political stability was
condemned across the globe.
Aware of its symbolic importance, the Indians decide to
use the attack on their parliament to portray Kashmiri
militants and their Pakistani backers as terrorists.
Demanding that Pakistan ban Lashkar and
Jaish-i-Mohammed, the other group allegedly involved in the
Dec. 13 attack, and arrest their leaders, India recalled its
ambassador from Islamabad. It also decided to sever rail and
road links with Pakistan and later banned Pakistani airlines
from flying over its territory.
India also decided to halve its diplomatic staff in
Islamabad and asked Pakistan also to do the same. It also
banned Pakistani diplomats from traveling outside New Delhi.
Combining its diplomatic offensive with military
maneuvers, India's Defense Minister George Fernandes
reported moving tens of thousands of troops and "strategic
missiles" along its border with Pakistan. "Strategic missiles"
are capable of carrying nuclear warheads.
India's military and diplomatic offensive put Pakistan on
the defensive. It took away the initiative from Pakistan and
forced it to merely react to Indian moves.
Pakistan copied India in slapping similar restrictions on the
Indian mission in Islamabad. It also imitated India in banning
Indian airlines from flying over Pakistan.
Pakistan also was forced to move thousands of troops
and "strategic weapons" to the Indian border. In doing so, it
informed the United States that it may no longer be able to
keep its troops along the Afghan border deployed there to
catch al Qaida and Taliban fugitives.
Most of these measures will hurt Pakistan more than they
will hurt India. Indian airlines do not fly over Pakistan but the
Pakistan International flies over India. Now it will have to fly
hundreds of extra miles for destinations in Bangladesh and Sri
Lanka.
The Indian restriction was so effective that Pakistan had to
seek exemption from India to allow its president to fly over to
Nepal next month for attending a regional summit conference.
Similarly, travel restrictions hurt the Muslims of the
Subcontinent more than they hurt India's majority Hindus.
India has almost 200 million Muslims. Many of them have
relations in Pakistan. Travel restrictions will prevent them
from visiting each other.
India also has another card to play. It has already said that
it is reconsidering the Sindh Basin Agreement that allows
unrestricted flow of Indus and one of its tributaries to
Pakistan. If India decides to cancel this agreement and stops
the rivers from flowing into Pakistan it will play havoc with
Pakistan's agriculture-based economy.
Seen against this backdrop, it seems that Pakistan has few
options against India and fewer sympathizers around the
world.
India has made it obvious that it will continue to increase
its pressure on Pakistan unless Islamabad, 1) bans Kashmiri
militant groups, 2) arrests their leaders, and 3) puts an end to
armed struggle in Kashmir.
Pakistan can either accept this demand or go for the
obvious, i.e. a war. Many in Pakistan realize that this time a
war with India will not be as "civilized" as the wars of 1965
and 1971 when both sides avoided civilian targets.
They know that this time the Indians will go for major
economic targets, such as the Tarbela and Mangla dams near
Islamabad. The combined effect of destroying these two
dams and blocking the rivers from flowing into Pakistan can
trigger the beginning of the end for Islamabad.
India can also attempt to capture Pakistani Kashmir,
merge it with India and thus settle the Kashmir dispute to its
satisfaction. The other option will be to enter Pakistani
Kashmir, destroy militant camps and go back to Indian
Kashmir.
Yet another option for India is to attack Pakistan's
soft-belly, a narrow corridor in the south that joins the
southern Sindh province with the rest of Pakistan. Occupying
this corridor will also sever Islamabad's links with its
economic hub and the main port of Karachi.
Any of these attempts will trigger the process that will lead
to the demise of the Pakistani state, as it exists today. Faced
with this scenario, any government in Pakistan can be forced
to go for "the unthinkable" and use the nuclear weapon for
protecting the state.
However, the chief spokesman for the Pakistani president,
Maj. Gen. Rashid Qureshi, told journalists in Islamabad
recently that "both India and Pakistan are responsible states
and for them the nuclear option is unthinkable."
Pakistanis hope that the fear of a nuclear war will prevent
the Indians from pushing Islamabad to the brink. They believe
that the Indians will continue increasing the pressure on
Pakistan as long as they think they can reap political benefits
from it.
They argue that the moment the Indians realize that the
situation could actually lead to a nuclear conflict, they will
relax their pressure.
"And once this pressure is relaxed, the two governments
can then engage in useful talks for settling their disputes," said
a senior Pakistani diplomat in Islamabad.
Reports from New Delhi suggest that while the Indians are
not yet willing to reduce their pressure on Pakistan, they also
do not want a war. At least not yet. Instead, they believe that
they are in a position to force Pakistan to accept their
demands without going to war.
But neither Pakistanis nor the Indians say what can
prevent an accidental war in such a feverish situation.
INDIAN, PAKISTAN FMs TO MEET SOON
NEW DELHI, Dec. 31 (UPI) -- Foreign ministers of
India and Pakistan may meet in Nepal next week in an
attempt to defuse growing tensions between the two
neighbors, officials said Monday.
This is the first gesture of peace in weeks between the two
neighbors who are mobilizing troops and nuclear weapons
against each other.
Officials sources in both New Delhi and Islamabad,
however, warned "not to expect miracles at this meeting," as
a senior official at the Pakistan Foreign Office said.
In New Delhi, officials of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party
told journalists that India has agreed to allow its foreign
minister, Jaswant Singh, to meet his Pakistani counterpart,
Abdul Sattar.
The two foreign ministers, they said, would meet "on the
sidelines of a summit of South Asian nations in the Nepalese
capital, Katmandu, next week."
The officials, who were talking to journalists after talks
between Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and India's
opposition leaders in New Delhi, ruled out a meeting between
Vajpayee and Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf. "Such a
meeting will serve no purpose," said one official.
Vajpayee had invited senior Indian politicians for
consultation on growing tensions between India and Pakistan.
India recalled its ambassador from Islamabad and
imposed several restrictions on Pakistan after the Dec.13
suicide attack on its parliament in which 14 people, including
five attackers, were killed.
India blamed Pakistan-backed Kashmiri militants for the
attack and asked Pakistan to disband two such groups it said
were responsible for the attack.
While denying involvement, Pakistan has since frozen the
assets of Lashkar-i-Toiba and Jaish-i-Mohammed and
arrested their leaders along with dozens of militants.
However, both the countries have continued to deploy
additional troops and nuclear-capable missiles along their
border.
Such moves caused alarm across the world and several
world leaders, including U.S. President George Bush, urged
both India and Pakistan to show restraint.
India was initially rejecting any meeting with Pakistani
leaders but BJP officials told journalists that while supporting
the Indian position "on cross-border terrorism in Kashmir,"
several world leaders have urged India to "revive talks with
Pakistan."
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