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http://www.ummah.net/unity/palestine/history/introduction.htm

An Introduction to the Palestinian Question

It is impossible to deal with the struggle that is taking place
over the occupied Palestinian territory as a model of a normal
human struggle. It is also impossible to consider this struggle as
a continuation of the struggles that have not stopped between
different powers to control the Palestinian territory for economic,
military, or even religious reasons.

The struggle between the Arab Nations--on various levels--and
Israel forms a struggle that involves historical and political
situations, economic and religious factors, and even the civilized
view of the Arab-Islamic region and its role in the procession of
human civilization.

It would be enough to examine the stages of history that the
Palestinian Problem went through to explain this fact. As the
European colonialist competition arose at the end of the eighth
century to succeed the Ottoman Empire in order to control the
strategic Indian passageway and to form a major factor to outline
the politics of the European countries, the Jewish activists, with
European support in which Germany and England participated, tried
to force the Ottoman Caliphate to make an agreement with Sultan Abd
Al Hameed the Second that would give the Jews the right to settle
in Palestine and the permission to emigrate to it. However, Sultan
Abd Al Hameed refused to submit to either the European pressure or
to the temptations offered by the Jews.

In the period between 1900 and 1901, Sultan Abd Al Hameed issued a
statement forbidding the Jewish travelers from settling in
Palestine for more than three months. Furthermore, he ordered that
the Jews be prevented from buying any Palestinian land, for he
feared that this would turn the land into a foundation that would
enable them to separate Palestine from the Islamic world.

In 1902, the Jews proposed a tempting offer to Sultan Abd Al Hameed
in which the rich Jews would promise to pay all the debts of the
Ottoman State, to build a squadron to defend it, and to offer a
loan of 35 million gold dinars for the Ottoman's run-down public
treasury. However, Sultan Abd Al Hameed refused all offers. His
reply to the offer, which came via a memorandum sent to Theodor
Herzl, was "Advise Doctor Herzl not to take serious steps in this
matter because I cannot give up one foot of the land for it is not
my personal property; it is the property of my people. My people
fought for the sake of this land and their blood was shed. Let the
Jews save their millions. If my empire is torn apart one day, the
Jews can separate Palestine without any cost. However, as long as I
am alive, dissecting my body with a knife is easier for me than to
see Palestine separated away from the Islamic State. And this will
not be. I cannot agree with dissecting our bodies as long as we are
living."

When the Jews became certain of the failure of all possible
attempts, they began working on the declination of the Ottoman
Empire. They were able to creep in through the Donma Jewish Sect,
the people of which pretended to be Muslims and carried Turkish
names and entered the "Union and Progress Society", thus they were
able to seize the power in 1907. The Jews increased their
activities in Palestine with the support of the followers of the
"Union and Progress Society." The Jews of Donma seized the reigns
of government in Asetana because the new Ottoman ruler had allowed
them to immigrate to Palestine and to buy Palestinian land. This
was what paved the way for the Zionist organizations to start
practicing their activities on wide scale until the Caliphate was
declined formally in 1924. Then, the British military forces
occupied Palestine.

The advantages of colonization in taking Palestine away from the
Arab world met with those of the Jews in establishing a national
homeland. Actually, it was the European rulers who offered a
national home on Palestinian land for the Jews long before the Jews
themselves suggested it. In particular, the offer came from France
and Britain in an attempt to get rid of the Jewish problem in
Europe and to achieve colonial gains from the Jewish State.

The colonialist competition between France and Britain was obvious
in the Middle East even before the establishment of the Zionist
Movement. The aims of both were to defend their benefits in the
area, to cause harm to it or to compete with it regarding those
benefits, and to find different ways to defend these benefits.
Britain thought that after the failure of Napoleon Bonaparte in
Egypt and Bilad Al-Sham, it would be useful to look for other
alternatives in the Middle East for the continuation of its
superiority over France. She found Palestine a suitable place to
spread her authority because of its geographical location-that
being the centre of the Arab region and because it is considered
the gateway between Asia and Africa. Therefore, it is for the
benefit of the European and British colonialists, in particular, to
separate the Asian part from the African part of the Arab Region
and to create situations that do not allow the two to establish a
union in the future.

The British stand became obvious after the expedition of Mohammed
Basha, the ruler of Egypt, to Syria when he sent his son, Abraham
Basha, to the area. This was what caused tension for Britain
because she feared that Egypt and Bilad Al-Sham would unite and
become one country. Thus, Britain participated in making sure the
expedition to Bilad Al-Sham of Abraham Basha failed.

After the interference of Britain, Palmerstone, the Prime Minister
of Britain, sent a letter to hide the ambassador in Istanbul in the
year 1840. In that letter he explained the advantages that the
Ottoman Sultan would achieve by encouraging the immigration of the
Jews to Palestine. He said, "The return of the Jewish people to
Palestine according to an invitation from him and under his defense
forms a wall that will stand in the face of evil plans that are
being planned by Mohammed Ali or any of his successors."

In March/April of 1840, the Jewish Baron, Rothschild, directed a
speech to Palmerstone in which he said, "The defeat of Mohammed Ali
and the limitation of his power in Egypt are not enough because
there is an attraction between Arabs, and they do realize that the
return of their old glory is associated with the possibilities of
their connections and union. If we take a look at the map of this
spot of earth, we will find out that Palestine is the bridge that
connects Egypt with the Arabs in Asia. Palestine has been the
gateway to the West. The only solution is to put different forces
on that bridge in order for this force to be as a wall that
prevents the Arab dangers. The Jewish immigration to Palestine is
able to play that role. This would not only be a favour by which
the Jewish people are returned back to the Promised Land, but it
will also serve the British empire and its plans. To go through the
experience of Mohammed Ali, whether in establishing a strong State
or in building up communications between Egypt and the other Arabs,
again will not be for the benefit of the empire."

The two documents that were issued, one by Britain and the other by
one of the Jewish leaders, showed that they both have interests in
fighting against establishing a united Arab State. This would only
be accomplished by establishing an intruding State in the
centre/heart of the Arab region. A report completed by the
committee formed by the British Prime Minister, Henry
Campbell-Banzman, in 1907 called for "working for the sake of
keeping the Arab region divided and undeveloped and for fighting
against the union of the Arab people and any kind of intellectual,
spiritual and historical relationships among them. This would be
done by working on separating the African part of this area from
its Asian part by establishing a strong, strange-human barrier on
the land bridge that connects Asia and Africa. This, in turn, will
form, near the Swiss Canal, a friendly force for us and an enemy
for the inhabitants of the area."

This was part of what was possible to achieve through the Syckes
and Picot   agreement (1916). By this agreement, France got part of
Syria, the southern part of Al-Anadhol, and Al-Mousel from Iraq.
All these parts were coloured blue. Britain got the land of
southern Syria extending to Iraq, including Baghdad, Basra, other
areas between the Arab Gulf and the land that was given to France,
the two parts of Akka and Haifa. These parts were coloured red. As
for the rest of Palestine, it was agreed to be an international
area. Consequently, the British and the French colonialists made
their plan a reality against the establishment of a union between
the two parts of the Arab region.

After this agreement, the leaders in charge of the Zionist
Movement, Lord Rothschild and Weisman, aimed at making some
connections with Britain--the very thing that led to the
establishment of the "Promise of Balfour". One of the main reasons
that encouraged Britain to agree to this Promise was that the
Jewish State would be the main line of defense for the Swiss
Channel and the continuation of separating the Arab region. The
decision was declared on 2 November 1917 by the Prime Minister of
that time, Arthur Balfour. The Promise that was in letter form to
Rothschild read, "The government of His Majesty intends with
sympathy to establish a homeland for the Jewish People in
Palestine. It will give its utmost effort to achieving this goal.
However, it is to be understood clearly that there will be nothing
done in order to reduce any of the civil or religious rights of the
non-Jewish organizations that are now inhabiting Palestine, in
addition to the rights or the political status of the Jews in other
countries. I will be grateful if you would notify the Zionist Union
of this declaration."

On 11 December 1917, the British armies entered Jerusalem under the
leadership of General Allenby and started the actual implementation
of the Balfour Promise; consequently, confrontations between the
Arabs and the Jews took place. In addition, Arab committees were
established against the Zionist Project, which was their desire to
celebrate the first birthday of the Balfour Promise. This matter
made the Arabs threaten to make a public demonstration, but the
British High Commissioner, Herbert Somail, threatened to arrest
every Arab that participated in the demonstrations.

As a consequence of this declaration, Palestinians and some other
Arab countries raised their objections to it. It became clear to
them that Britain was insisting on separating them from each other,
especially after the League of the United Nations imposed the
British mandate over Palestine in 1919.

Britain tried to relieve the Arabs at the time in which she was
working to separate Palestine from Bilad Al-sham. However, Britain
did not succeed, for the Palestinians initiated their first
national revolution in 1920.

During the session of the Versailles conference in January 1919,
the Zionist Movement proposed to the conference a well-studied plan
of clear characteristics in order to implement its project. This
plan called for:

The establishment of a British mandate over Palestine to implement
Balfour's Promise.

The borders of Palestine to include the surroundings of Saydah, the
springs of the Litani River, the River Jordan, Horan, east of
Jordan, Al-Aqaba and parts of the Egyptian Sinai Desert.

In this conference, the mandate policy was imposed on the
settlement that belonged to Germany and Turkey before the war. The
conference also called for forming a League for the United Nations
so that Britain and France could be deputies for the League.

In May 1920, the declaration of the mandate over Palestine was
issued during the San Remo Conference. The British Zionist, Herbert
Somail, was assigned as High Commissioner in Jerusalem. He used to
be the Minister of the Interior of Britain so he is sympathetic
with the Zionists.

Only three days after the declaration of the British mandate
contract over Palestine, Britain revealed the contents of Balfour's
Promise. The Palestinians protested against this and confrontations
between the British guards and the Arabs took place for the first
time. Furthermore, Britain forbade the session of the second
Palestinian conference in Jericho in 1920. After Churchill became a
minister for settlements, he held a conference in Cairo for
military men and the British employees to review the status of the
British in the region. The conference recommended the following:

Continuing the implementation of Balfour's Promise because Britain
is bound to establish a homeland for the Jews.

Establishing an Arab district in the east of Jordan under the
leadership of Prince Abdullah, who would be responsible for it
before the British deputy without it being included in the
administrative system of Palestine and without applying the
mandate's conditions on it. East Jordan should be ready to welcome
those Palestinians who will have to leave Palestine.

The characteristics of the British-Zionist plan have become clear
in Palestine since the beginning of the twentieth century. The
Palestinians declared their rejection to it. They raised the issue
of the danger to Arabs and Palestinians of the Jews moving to
Palestine. They warned from the silence towards the continuation of
this immigration to their country.

It was recognized that the Palestinians at that time insisted on
considering Palestine as part of Bilad Al-Sham. Moreover, they
rejected the divisions as a result of the fight and any regional
special demands for them despite the uniqueness of their matter.
The danger that surrounded them differed from that surrounding the
rest of the people of Bilad Al-sham because Palestinians were
threatened by the Jewish immigration to their country with the
encouragement of the British mandate. However, other Arab countries
were suffering from the British or French colonialists without
having the additional threat of Jewish immigration against it.

Therefore, the matter was developed in the twentieth century.
Voices from within Palestine began to ask for the independence of
Palestine. This was after each Arab country had raised its own
problems and desires of its respective national independence. And
this was exactly what France and Britain were longing for in the
area; to have each country face its own special problems. Thus, the
concept of 'United Arab Countries', the promise that Britain kept
for Al-Shareef Hussein Bin Ali, began to disappear from the
existence of European colonialism. Each one of the Great Syrian
people paid attention to itself; each was working on its own
against colonialism in its country. This influenced the Palestinian
Problem, which also went along in the same direction. Some
Palestinians started to ask for Palestine's independence without
considering it part of southern Syria. At the same time that the
people of Palestine were fighting against Balfour's Promise and the
increasing immigration via the connivance of the British Mandate,
the other Arab people were busy working against the existence of
colonialism in their own land. Therefore, the Zionist Movement
increased its power in the 1930s and 1940s, with the help of
Britain and during the absence of the Arab and Islamic Nations that
were going through a battle. When the Arab countries achieved their
independence at the beginning of the 1940s, it was too late for
those people to participate with the Palestinians in their battle
against the Zionist Movement and Britain. Zionism had been
declared, and the result was the loss of Palestine in the war of
1948. Since then, the Palestinian Problem has entered the Arab
policy. Still, the Zionists believed that their existence that was
declared over the occupied territory in 1948 did not contain all
the land that they considered Israeli land. So the Zionists made
use of the following years to declare their existence in order to
support their military force and to drive many of the Arab citizens
away from their lands. In 1956 the Jewish State participated with
France and Britain in the attack on Egypt. David Ben Gurion
informed the Synagogue that "one of the aims of this participation
of the Zionist State in the attack on Egypt is the liberation of
that part of the homeland (the Sinai Dese) that is occupied by the
intruders."

The strategic dimension of occupying the Sinai was to move the
Egyptian army away from the borders of the Jewish State and to keep
it from crossing the Swiss channel, the point that enabled it to
attack the Zionist State and to reach Al Nakkab. The Zionists saw
that Al Nakkab's desert was an active goal that must be defended no
matter what the cost because it divides the Arab region into two
parts and it creates a natural barrier to land communication
between them.

The Zionists called upon the United Nations in 1948 to get them
back Al-Nakkab. When the international mediator Count Bernadette
suggested in 1948 returning Al Nakkab back to the Arab citizens,
the Zionists assassinated him the day after he made his suggestion.


The colonial efforts did not succeed in achieving the Zionist goals
through the attack of 1956; except that the Arab efforts were
helpless and hesitant, the very thing that gave the Zionists a
golden period to support its military forces and to plan an attack
in 1967, the year in which the Zionist Power inundated the West
Bank and the Gaza Strip--the area that was left under Arab control
after the attack of 1948. Moreover, the Zionists were able to
occupy the Egyptian Peninsula of Sinai, the Syrian Golan Heights.
The Jewish occupying forces withdrew from Sinai by virtue of a
conditional peace agreement with Egypt that virtually leaves the
eastern gate of Egypt open to any Jewish attempt at occupation.
Ever since, the Zionist State has been occupying the West Bank, the
Gaza Strip and the Lebanese Heights to the border area of South
Lebanon.


The Arab Resistance
Since the beginning of this century, the efforts made by the
Palestinians in defending their rights in Palestine continued. In
1918, a secret patriotic committee was formed and included members
of the Palestinian Police. This committee played an important role
in preparing for the Arab revolution in Palestine and spreading
awareness about the Zionist danger among the Bedouin tribes in east
Jordan. However, the arrest of its leaders weakened it. The
Palestinian struggle against the Zionist schemes continued with the
revolution of Prophet Moses from 4 to 10 April 1920, followed by
the Jaffa revolution in 1921 and the Al-Buraq revolution in 1929.
These confrontations were emotional and unorganized, but they
helped by heating up the struggle and thereby delaying the Zionist
plans.

The Palestinian fighters organized more forces. One of the most
important forces was organized by Ezzul Deen Al Qassam in 1935, who
came to Palestine from Syria after the end of the Syrian revolution
against France. He started his activities as a teacher and joined
the Muslim Chaps Committee in 1926. He was one of the founders of
the Haifa Branch in 1928. He won the presidency of that Branch when
its elections were made. Then he became a member of the
administrative committee in 1930 and afterwards he became the
president again in 1933.

Al Qassam wandered in the areas of Palestine as an employee of the
court and started forming forces of five people. His movement was
based on Islamic principles and adopted the concept of Al Jihad
(Islamic concept of fighting against enemies) as the only way of
liberating Palestine. His secret movement is considered the most
important secret committee and the greatest Feddayyeen movement
known in the history of the Arab struggle in Palestine.

His main quarters were in Jericho where the poor live, and there he
gained normous popularity in 1935. He formed five more committees,
namely Summoning and Publicity, Military Training, Supplying,
Electronics and Foreign Relations. Between 200 and 800 followers
joined his movement.

In 1935, Al Qassam declared the beginning of the revolution. This
revolution came after a series of political fruitless efforts for a
peaceful solution. After a number of confrontations between Al
Qassam forces and the British army, Al Qassam took refuge in Yahbud
with 52 of his men. The British army surrounded him and his men and
asked him to surrender but he refused. Unfortunately, he was shot
along with two of his followers. The rest of the men were arrested
after a brutal fight between the two parties.

The announcement of his martyrdom greatly influenced the
Palestinians all over the country. His funeral was an event of
national mourning in Palestine. Al Qassam organization is
considered the first of its kind in its objectives and motivations.
It is a military organization against the Jews and the British.
Loyalty to Islam and adherence to its commandments are the key to
its membership. Al Qassam was a Syrian scholar and a man of
religion who came to settle in Palestine and fight for its freedom.
The revolution of Al Qassam and his martyrdom created a national
Palestinian and Islamic awareness for the need to use power to
fight the Zionist plans in Palestine.

The martyrdom of Al Qassam did not cause the revolution to fade. On
the contrary, it activated it. As a result, there was the Great
Palestinian Revolution in 1936. It was considered one of the
longest revolutions in the history of the Palestinian Problem.
Demonstrations and strikes were made throughout Palestine. It was
the first comprehensive movement of its kind. They used civilian
means for this revolution along with the military processes.
The historians indicate that some of the indirect reasons for this
revolution were:

The increasing in unemployment.
The continuous Jewish immigration, in addition to the sympathy of
Britain regarding all the Jewish projects.
The land transfers to Jewish owners as a result of the pressure
that was imposed on its Arab owners by Britain.
The awful economic crisis in 1935.
The situation in Egypt and Syria when they went against the British
and French colonialists.
The Italian attack on Al Habbasheh, the situation that reactivated
the hope of having a new war in order to reform new policies in the
area.
The increasing tension between the Arabs and the Jews.

The events began to unfold on 15 April when the Feddayyeen movement
killed a Jewish settler and injured another two in the area of
Nablus and Tulkarm.

The next night, the Jews killed two Arab citizens north of the
public highway of the Ulaibi settlement. During the funeral of the
Jewish invader, confrontations between the Arabs and the Jews took
place. The same thing happened on the borders of Jaffa and Tel
Aviv.

The British authorities announced a curfew in Jaffa and Tel Aviv.
Moreover, it imposed a state of emergency on the rest of the
country. An Arab Committee was formed in Nablus on 20 April and
declared a public strike.

After the British forces increased to become almost 20,000
soldiers, brutal battles erupted between the revolutionaries on the
one hand, and the British and the Jewish forces on the other in
November of 1935. Palestinian delegations visited Amman, Al-Riyadh
and Baghdad. As a result of British pressure, the Arab Kings and
Presidents issued a joint announcement on 10 October 1935, in which
they called for "the cessation of the revolution and dependence on
the nice intentions of our friend, Great Britain, that declared
that it would practice justice."

As a result, the Higher Arab Committee called for the ending of the
strike, for the canceling of the Arab organizations, and for the
returning of the Arab revolutionaries to their countries.

The results of this revolution were the murder of 16 policemen and
22 British men, injuring 104 policemen and 148 military men, the
murder of 80 Jewish settlers, and the injuring of 308 Jewish
settlers. As for the Arabs, the results were the martyrdom of 145
men and the injury of another 804 men.

Britain sent the Royal Committee to Palestine to discuss the facts,
but the Palestinians refused to meet them. So the Arab Kings
threatened the Palestinians and asked them to agree on meeting the
Committee.

The revolutions did not stop. They began again after the murder of
Andrews, the British ruler of Al Jaleel. The British wanted to take
revenge against the Arab leaders in Palestine. This is what started
new revolutions in Palestine. Revolutions spread throughout
Palestine and forced Britain to retreat from a number of political
stands by virtue of which they intended to impose the divisions of
Palestine between the Arabs and the Zionists.

The strongest stab that the Arab resistance (Jihad) got in
Palestine was the defeat of the Arab armies in the war of 1948. It
caused big changes in the building up of the resistance and
Al-Jihad, taking with it the ability to initiate from the people.
The Palestinians were referred to an official affair that was ruled
by internal balanced policies and systems.

However, the existence of the Feddayyeen organization gave the
public role of confronting the Zionist Project back its
consideration. They brought the Palestinian population in as a
basic side of the equation. It is the side that forced the official
organization to adopt certain stands that contributed to keeping
the Zionist State from expanding and, sometimes putting down its
projects.

Because of the faults that were committed by the organizations of
resistance, the role of the people was decreased. The Palestinian
Liberation Organization became the authority over the people and
their movements. This situation limited so much movement of the
people. It seemed as if there were some special common benefits
between this authority and its leaders, on the one hand, and the
Arab systems and regional and internal forces on the other hand.

The nature of the Zionist Project and its dimensions stood as a
motivation for the people of Palestine to participate against this
Project and to come up with new suitable ways for resisting it.
Therefore, public revolutions that were directed by the
Palestinians through its glorious intifadah in 1987 and the
existence of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) were
established outside the Palestinian Authority. They both were the
first targets of the Zionist project-the first line of defense that
would not break down in confronting the Zionist Project.
Organizations and systems may fade away, but the people will never
die. No matter how serious its injuries, it will always be able to
get up again and fight until victory is achieved.





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