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COLUMN | January 21, 2002

CHRISTOPHER HITCHENS

Johnnie Walker Blackened : Minority Report

That would-be martyr John Walker--the mujahid of Marin County--has
done something more than give a bad name to my favorite Scotch
whiskey. He has illuminated the utter unfitness of our police and
intelligence chiefs for the supreme power they now wish and propose
to award themselves. And he has also accidentally exposed the
stupidity and nastiness of the Patriot Act. Consider: With no
resources beyond his own evidently rather feeble ones he was able to
join the Taliban and become a confidant of the Al Qaeda network; an
accomplishment completely beyond the wit or strength of our
multibillion-dollar CIA, which possessed no human asset within a
thousand miles of anywhere Osama bin Laden happened to be. For this
achievement, which may not even have been illegal at the time he
first performed it, he now earns the right to a trial before a
properly constituted civilian court. This is because, like Wadi el
Hage of the Al Qaeda East African plot, he is a US citizen. Whereas
I, the father of three Americans and a twenty-year holder of a legal
resident's permit, can be arrested at any time for having, say, the
wrong Palestinian friend to dinner in my home. I can then be held
incommunicado, denied the right to know the evidence against me and,
if things should go really swimmingly, be sentenced to death in
secret by
 a military tribunal. In the immediate aftermath of the September 11 aggression 
against American civil society, I thought (and wrote) that it was time for me to take 
out the papers of citizenship, if only as an act of sol
idarity. Yet now I feel I should stay with my fellow immigrants. The chance of being 
caught up in John Ashcroft's New Order is just too good to miss. America can have my 
body, and indeed my soul. But I feel I should not b
e asked to sacrifice my habeas corpus.

Here is how the official police-mentality syllogism currently runs. Before September 
11 we asked for infinite antiterrorism budgets and spouted continuous national 
security rhetoric. Meanwhile, we rolled ecstatically in t
he same bed as the Saudi and Pakistani secret police forces, which were the paymasters 
and armorers of the Taliban and Al Qaeda. As a direct result, a group of spoiled Saudi 
sadists and fanatics were able to rehearse the
subversion of American civil aviation. They were then able to carry it out. Frantic 
calls from flight schools to the FBI, warning of odd characters using the jumbo-jet 
simulator, were coldly ignored. Several such characte
rs, whose names were actually on the terrorist watch list, were able to buy their own 
airline tickets on September 11 without even using a false ID. Quite obviously, these 
facts allow only one conclusion. From now on, FBI
 agents should have untrammeled power over all civilians living in the United States, 
and all their private movements and communications.

Consider the following. On September 11, you could not fly and I could not fly. The 
national airspace was locked down. But twenty-four members of the bin Laden family, 
living in the United States, were gathered by private
 jet under the auspices of Prince Bandar Bin-Sultan, the Saudi ambassador in 
Washington. With what he gratefully describes as the cooperation of the FBI, the 
Prince mustered all the bin Ladens, who at the first opportunit
y were taken under FBI escort to Boston's Logan Airport (departure point for two of 
the death squads) and then permitted to fly home with no questions asked. I do not 
think that any question of racial profiling would have
 been involved if members of the immediate bin Laden tribe had been inconvenienced to 
the extent of being asked a few questions. Boasting of this amazing coup on October 1, 
Prince Bandar told Larry King an affecting story
 about one of these privileged escapees:

But you know what hurt me? A young man said to me, "Prince Bandar, I always couldn't 
understand why the American Japanese wanted a memorial. What's the big deal?" He said: 
"Suddenly I realize: I'm a rich man, I'm in Harva
rd, and I have to leave my school, not because I was guilty, but because the emotions 
are high." That really touched me, Larry.

It really, really, touches me, too. In subsequent days the Saudi regime refused to 
supply information on the sixteen of its citizens who had committed the mass murder, 
declined the requests for a closure of bin Laden char
ities on its soil, refused to allow Tony Blair to visit and (in the person of its 
Interior Minister, Prince Nayef) described the liberation of Afghanistan from the 
Taliban as a matter of "killing innocent people." On top
of this, a prince appears on prime time to borrow the rhetoric of American liberals 
about the historic injustice inflicted by Earl Warren and FDR on the 
Japanese-Americans in 1942. Yet where is the outrage? The Al Qaeda m
urderers, in their private notes, describe how to wield knives and box-cutters to 
slaughter random travelers like sacrificial sheep. Were they right? Are we a bleating 
herd, ready to get in line and be subjected to humili
ation and deprivation at the merest bark about security?

The liberal case against Ashcroft's authoritarian proposals is generally phrased in 
pristine constitutional terms. This is fine only as far as it goes, which is not very 
far. On his recent tour of European capitals, the A
ttorney General was told that Al Qaeda suspects will not be extradited to the United 
States if they face kangaroo or banana-republic courts. The rule of law is not so 
swiftly abandoned by all democratic nations. Moreover,
 European police have succeeded in identifying and detaining some real, named 
suspects, which is more than Ashcroft's vaunted anonymous dragnet can claim to have 
done. This means that he is not just willing to junk the Co
nstitution but is willing positively to endanger the citizens of this country in order 
to do so. For him, a crude ideology comes first. (Remember also that he is still 
refusing to act on a report of his own department's c
riminal division, which has prepared an indictment of General
Pinochet for detonating a car bomb in Washington, DC, in September
1976.) Given a choice between protecting American civilians and
protecting the client regimes that sponsor and coddle those who
murder them, the Bush Administration has taken the second option
every time. This seems to me impeachable in the profoundest sense of
the term.



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