--- Begin Message ---
Bob:
Thanks for providing these links to the background on "the" interview,
etc., re: Al Martin. I'd never read all this before.
As for Martin, I have his home address and phone number which are
supposedly not out there in circulation much, as he's supposedly living
'in hiding'. Well, for weeks I was sending stuff to him, papers, articles
and so forth. Directly to his home, under his name as instructed at the
address.
Out of the blue, all of a sudden one day, he calls me at my office -
unprecedented - and proceeds to chew me out about how I should be sending
stuff to him marked 'OCCUPANT' (i.e., anonymous) on the envelope! He was
suddenly 'concerned' about maintaining this 'low profile'. This, after
weeks of me sending stuff to him with his name AL MARTIN on it. Uh,
right! Kind of flagged me.
That's when I really started looking at him from a more cynical angle,
then once I dove into all the public records stuff, it became even more
bizzare and less verifiable, I mean, I have a whole ton of names connected
to him and the companies he talks about that don't appear in his book,
very odd indeed. Which was also why I have a theory that he is purposely
putting incorrect (disinfo) info out there, it's more than just 'sloppy
work' or 'typos' - there's something else going on. My theory, thats all.
Also, for an 'insider', he told me he'd been debriefed by Mike Foster of
FBI during the Iran Contra hearings. Well, I'm a nobody guys, I know
shit, okay? But I have dug into some deep stuff, okay? And Les Coleman,
you can take or leave him for what he is/was/ain't, but even he told me
"the Foster stuff is bigger than most know", and beleive me it is.
So I investigate this Yakuza-connected George Nakano, State Assemblyman
from Torrance, CA, mobbed up piece of corrupt crap, right? And my life
turns into a fricking movie. Who do I get planted on me (aside from some
other "Barbara Hartwell" sleeper/MC zombies) but MIKE FOSTER. At first I
don't 'get' it, but later I find out who he is, and okay...it begins to
dawn on me. I worked for him for about a year, here in San Pedro, CA
(Ocean Investigative Services) he is a PI, does PI work, but what only a
few know is that he also does very 'deep' classified stuff contract work
for the Government, and that's where the shit happens. Mike Ruppert will
know this too, that Foster also debriefed Cele Castillo and was mentioned
in his book, as you see, Foster was Lawrence Walsh's investigator - one of
them, anyway. But as he has 12 SSN's and ID's maybe a lot of you don't
know him by this name.
Also, a lot of people don't know but Mike Foster was Sirhan Sirhan's
babysitter in prison after the RFK hit - he was put on him to monitor him,
and 'buddy' him in jail and so forth, this is when he worked for LA County
Sheriff's - intelligence. He was a also a 'contract' FBI guy. Mike told
me his phones were tapped for life and he could talk about just nearly
anything save for the Sirhan stuff and what he knows about it, or he's a
dead duck - he was quite glib about that - the CIA would just take him out
right then if he did, no problem, that's how sensitive the Sirhan stuff
is. Anyhow Foster has heavy clients, celebrities, protection details to
VIP's stuff, he is one of those guys who no one reads about or knows about
much but he is basically untouchable and 'big'. I've really burned my
bridges with him (needless to say). I was even told once by another party
to back off of Foster and the CIA would 'make me an offer' - as you see, I
didn't do as instructed, which probably explains why I live in a transient
hotel with crack heads and have been illegally evicted, stalked, etc (ha).
Well for a supposed 'insider' Al Martin did not even know about Mike
Foster's CIA brother, who is in the Agency and from what I was told, one
dirty mean SOB you don't mess with. I was told some posts I put up
anonymously last year on a message board were literally taken by his
brother to Langley analysts and run to see if it was me behind them,
literally, and of course, you could tell they were my posts, I made no
attempt to hide that, but my point being Foster and his brother have that
kind of access, they can do things like this, and they are pretty
untouchable but as an aside, I note I know Mike has paid dearly for this
on a personal level for this kind of life he's led, and I'll just leave it
at that. I think my going public about stuff has prevented me from ending
up - well, shall we say, less than warm and moving? But then, there's
other forms of punishment other than getting whacked, you know.
Al's not knowing Foster's brother was CIA struck me as quite odd, me of
course, me being the lowly 'outsider', so 'out of the loop' with no
clearance (ha, yeah, right), no 'creds', right? And here's Mr. Insider
Iran Contra, ONI, Al Martin, with all this classified shit and clearances,
and he's out of the loop on this. That cracked me up.
I share this long-winded tale with you guys because it also should further
prove to all that sometimes it does NOT matter how 'inside' you are.
Sometimes it's a fluke, or just timing or you being at the right place at
the right (or should I say wrong?) time.
You get in there. They don't like it when you do, but you're in like
Flynn and grinning like the Chelshire Cat...yup, and the Tea Party gets
really interesting.
"Ranger Rick"
--- Bob <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
<HR>
<!doctype html public "-//w3c//dtd html 4.0 transitional//en">
<html>
Hit the wrong key and the message was sent instead
<br>of cut, copy, paste.
<p>August 2001, and Mike's message number
<br>then was 22767--
<br><a
href="http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22780";>http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22760</a>
<br>thread included 22760, 22762, 22764-7,
<br>22780, 22782
<br><a
href="http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22780";>http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22762</a>
<br><a
href="http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22780";>http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22764</a>
<br><a
href="http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22780";>http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22765</a>
<br><a
href="http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22780";>http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22766</a>
<br><a
href="http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22780";>http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22767</a>
<br><a
href="http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22780";>http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22780</a>
<br><a
href="http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22780";>http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/message/22782</a>
<p>I could wish that Kristina Borjesson had read Dan
<br>Hopsicker's message in which Martin and Levine
<br>work on the same side, see below.
<p>-Bob
<p>Bob wrote:
<blockquote TYPE=CITE>Bob wrote:
<blockquote TYPE=CITE> "Levine didn't "out" anyone. I was talking
with his Producer, Kristina
<br> Borjesson just days after the show aired. I have actually
listened
to
<br> the whole show. Levine acted the way he did because he hadn't
actually
<br> read the book yet. [I have a review of Martin's in either the
current or
<br> next High Times]." -Mike Ruppert
<p>We had discussion of that here in January 2001</blockquote>
Sorry, it was August 2001, and Mike's message number
<br>then was 22767--thread included 22760, 22762, 22764-7,
<br>22780, 22782
<p>From: "Mike Ruppert" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
<br>
Date: Wed Aug 1, 2001 3:10 pm
<br>
Subject: RE: [CIA-DRUGS] al martin "sandbagged" by mike levine?
<p>
A word about Kristina Borjesson:
<p>
It is no secret that I have no special like for Mike Levine. But this
issue
demands that I respond to this
<br>
speculation and gossip about Al Martin's letter.
<p>
First, I have known Kristina Borjesson for about three years and I have
the highest regard for her as a
<br>
journalist and a human being. She paid a horrible price for having tried
to tell the truth at CBS News
<br>
regarding TWA 800 and subsequently was "not renewed" at CNN because, I
believe, she had been
<br>
labeled as a heretic. She moved to the New York area with her husband and
family and looked for work
<br>
where she could continue to tell the truth. Now, how many jobs are out
there or an Emmy Award
<br>
winning journalist who wants to tell the truth? The number is limited.
And whether it was Mike Levine
<br>
or anyone else's radio show, a radio show is far below Kristina's immense
abilities. To suggest that she's
<br>
trying to ingratiate herself back into the mainstream is absolute
bullshit.
I know this woman. She carries
<br>
more scars that those who sit in judgement of her will ever have the
courage
to accept for themselves.
<p>
I have had a dialogue with her regarding Al Martin's account and I found
her account of the show much
<br>
less damaging than Al Martin believes. She spoke of how how Levine and
his DEA colleagues
<br>
recognized many names and incidents cited by Martin as being correct. She
stressed that Martin was
<br>
questioned extensively about his criminal past because of the horribly
painful remembrance of what
<br>
happened with Hatfield and "Fortunate Son." The only way to defuse
criticisms
of Martin over his
<br>
conviction is to tackle the conviction head-on, directly and thus pre-empt
criticisms from the bad guys.
<br>
Then it becomes "asked and answered."
<p>
I think that Al was a little sensitive (understandably) but I totally
accept
Kristina's account of events
<br>
and perception of how Al was viewed both on the air and in-studio.
It is so hard to present truth when
<br>
you have even the slightest negative mark on your record. That is why,
almost every time I speak, I point
<br>
out that I am a recovering alcoholic who has not had a drink, a joint,
or even a beer in 18 and a half
<br>
years.
<p>
I will be reading Al's book and interviewing him for High Times in the
next few months. I'll give you
<br>
my opinions then. But whatever I may think about Mike Levine personally
I think he's getting a bit of a
<br>
bum rap on this and I think that any backyard gossip who would presume
to criticize Kristina Borjesson
<br>
has a small mind, not worthy of responding to. Kristina made her bones
and paid her dues a long time
<br>
before she ever met Levine. She's doing what she can and brings to her
job the same professional
<br>
journalistic standards I would expect to be brought to bear on me or
anything
that I write.
<p>
Let's have the back yard gossips shut the hell up.
<p>
Sincerely,
<p>
Mike Ruppert
<br>
www.copvcia.com
<br>
<br>
<br>
<p>
-----Original Message-----
<br>
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [<a
href="mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]";>mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]</a>]
<br>
Sent: Wednesday, August 01, 2001 9:02 AM
<br>
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
<br>
Subject: Re: [CIA-DRUGS] al martin "sandbagged" by mike levine?
<p>
In a message dated 8/1/2001 7:30:44 AM Eastern Daylight Time,
<br>
[EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:
<p>
We also have statements from others regarding Ms. Borjesson's
<br>
credibility as a journalist, which she continues to tout. If Ms. Borjesson
<br>
is the almighty "journalist" she claims to be, why is she no longer
<br>
employed
<br>
by one of the major media outlets, which had employed her previously?
<p>
She is attempting to garner information and sensitive documents in an
<br>
effort to get herself back into the big leagues again.
<p>
It has been noted that Ms. Borjesson has attempted to poison the well
<br>
with others. She touts her great journalistic credentials. But if this
is
<br>
the case -- what is she doing on the Mike Levine Show? And why would she
be
<br>
so desperate to attempt to get "smoking gun" documents from her guest?
<br>
<br>
<p>
and no offense to Mr. Martin, but what's this crap? Borjisson has to be
<br>
employed by a "major media outlet" to really be a journalist? And she
would
<br>
be "desperate" to get, (or even just see for that matter), documents from
a
<br>
guest to verify his story. Duh.
<br>
Of course, perhaps someone else has a different perspective on this.
<br>
Peace,
<br>
Preston
<blockquote TYPE=CITE>
<br>and Mike gave more detail on his dealings with
<br>Borjesson. That message was titled 'al martin
<br>"sandbagged" by mike levine?' but I don't have
<br>the message number.
<p>In cia-drugs message 1660 Daniel Hopsicker cites
<br>Martin and Levine concerning Iran-Contra cocaine.
<p>-Bob
<p>From: Daniel Hopsicker <[EMAIL PROTECTED]
<br>Date: Sun Jun 13, 1999 6:16 pm
<br>Subject: Operation Black Eagle, part 1
<p>Operation Black Eagle (various news sources via lexis-nexis--black
eagle
<br>was very briefly
<br>a campaign issue in 88--and including several 'golden apples'
shaken to
<br>earth by
<br> J Orlin Grabbe)
<p>[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
<br>>
<br>> This lady wants to document OPERATION BLACK EAGLE
<br>
<p>-----BEGIN PGP SIGNED MESSAGE-----
<br>Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and
<br>Banking Transactions Spying, Part XXX
<br>by J. Orlin Grabbe
<p>What do the Mena, Arkansas, and Fire Lakes, Nevada, airfields have
<br>in common? The answer is they were both secure facilities run by the
<br>highly
<br>classified National Programs Office (NPO). Other facilities were
located
<br>at
<br>Joppa, Missouri, and Iron Mountain, Texas.
<br>President Ronald Reagan appointed Oliver North as the secret head
<br>of this secret organization, and sometime in 1983, the NPO, which is
<br>organizationally part of the National Security Agency (NSA), became
the
<br>effective administrator of a covert plan called Operation Black Eagle.
<br>Operation Black Eagle became a network of 5000 people who made
<br>possible the export of arms in the direction of Central America, and
the
<br>import of drugs from the same direction. According to Navy Lt.
Commander
<br>Alexander Martin (ret.), he, as an assistant to Major General Richard
<br>Secord,
<br>worked closely with Oliver North, Richard Secord, Felix Rodriquez,
and
<br>Jeb Bush (son of Vice-President Bush) in the operation. Different
<br>aspects
<br>of Black Eagle were consolidated under the office of the Vice
President.
<br>Martin himself admits to setting up fraudulent paper "investment
<br>projects" through which the wealthy could donate money to the Contra
<br>cause.
<br>They would "invest" in projects that didn't exist, and write off the
<br>investment
<br>on a two-for-one basis.
<br>But it is estimated that only 3 (three) percent of the money actually
<br>found its way into the hands of the Contras. The rest of the money
was
<br>diverted to other purposes, and some of it still exists, stashed away
in
<br>hidden bank accounts in the U.S. and around the world.
<br>For the next several years the importation of drugs into the U.S.
<br>was largely a U.S. government monopoly, with the Drug Enforcement
<br>Admini-
<br>stration (DEA) acting as the government's enforcer to eliminate any
<br>private
<br>competition.
<br>Not everyone who participated in the operation knew the full picture,
<br>nor did they approve of what was going on. I talked to two pilots who
<br>used
<br>to fly in and out of Mena airport, among other places.
<br>Pilot A was appalled when he found out he was transporting cocaine.
<br>Among other things, this was totally contradictory to an apparent "war
<br>on
<br>drugs". Later on he grew more cynical, as he came to realize that the
<br>"war
<br>on drugs" was precisely what made the whole operation so profitable,
as
<br>well
<br>as serving as a broad strategy for social control. Later on he was
<br>offered
<br>a job transporting cocaine by the producers themselves.
<br>"It was good money. They would pay a $100,000 a flight. They
<br>would send out maybe eight planes at a time, and if only two of them
got
<br>shot down, the operation would still be profitable. So there was some
<br>risk involved."
<br>But he turned the job down. "You can't do business with those
<br>people," he said. "I was used to working in an environment where if
you
<br>got into trouble, you kept your mouth shut. But in that environment
if
<br>anyone got into trouble, they would inform on anyone and blab about
<br>anything
<br>they knew about. That was the risk I couldn't take."
<br>Pilot B let everyone know in no uncertain terms that he wasn't
<br>transporting any drugs, anywhere, at any time. "They were quite upset
<br>with
<br>me for not going along." One day as he was about to fly out of Mena
in
<br>the direction of Florida, he became suspicious of the "equipment"
cargo
<br>he was transporting. He feared that not only was the cargo really
<br>cocaine,
<br>but also that he was being set up to be busted because of his
unpopular
<br>view of things. He started prying into one of the wooden crates but
was
<br>warned off by Uzi-carrying guards. So he took off, dumping the entire
<br>cargo (with *was* cocaine) all over the runway in the process, leaving
a
<br>white cloud behind him. He headed East and didn't stop till he arrived
<br>at
<br>CIA headquarters to scream at Bill Casey.
<br>"They still complain about the millions of dollars I cost them,"
<br>he says, unrepentantly.
<br>Operation Black Eagle was the basis for the diversion that became
<br>known as the "Iran-Contra" affair, a term invented by Attorney General
<br>Ed Meese, and obediently repeated *ad nauseam* by the news media. The
<br>exposure of the sale of TOW missiles to Iran, which no one really
cared
<br>about,
<br>was intended to divert the attention of reporters toward the Middle
East
<br>and
<br>away from the official government importation of drugs into secured
NPO
<br>facilities.
<br>In addition to facilities such as Mena and Fire Lakes which were
<br>guarded by the Wackenhut Corporation, the operation involved
<br>sophisticated
<br>electronics developed by NSA contractor E-Systems of Dallas, Texas,
to
<br>create electronic "holes" which would allow planes to cross U.S.
borders
<br>without tripping NORAD's Early Warning System. Or, if need be, to hide
a
<br>flight path from U.S. spy satellites.
<br>The monetary logistics of this operation were overseen in part by
<br>Vince Foster of the Rose Law Firm, using the financial software
<br>resources of
<br>Systematics, Jackson Stephen's Little Rock software company. Vince
<br>Foster's
<br>"NSA connection" involved an extensive knowledge of the NPO's
management
<br>of
<br>the flow of men and materials, money and drugs.
<br>Today no one wants Operation Black Eagle exposed or talked about.
<br>And that's one of the reasons investigations into the death of Vince
<br>Foster
<br>have been quashed on every side. You might call it a massive outbreak
of
<br>National Insecurity.
<p>FOREIGN INTRIGUE BEHIND
<br>'SECRETS' IN NORTH TRIAL
<p>Wednesday, March 1, 1989
<p>Section: FRONT
<p>Page: 15A
<p>SOURCE/CREDIT LINE: ALFONSO CHARDY Herald Washington Bureau
<br>The dispute threatening to scuttle Oliver North's trial revolves
around
<br>19 documents which were released last year and available publicly.
<br>Despite that, the government insisted until late Tuesday that the
<br>national security will be damaged if they are released during the
trial
<br>without being censored.
<br>The documents were made available in Miami in uncensored form last
year.
<br>Some also were released during the 1987 Iran- contra congressional
<br>hearings -- with far fewer deletions than in the North trial.
<br>The courtroom controversy over the documents renews the dispute over
<br>when it is appropriate to classify documents.
<br>Officials in Washington have long known that many documents the Bush
<br>administration now wants kept secret were released in previous
<br>investigations and lawsuits stemming from the Iran- contra scandal.
Last
<br>month, The Miami Herald quoted an aide in special prosecutor Lawrence
<br>Walsh's office as saying that many of the documents the administration
<br>wants kept secret had at one time been declassified, but were
<br>subsequently reclassified.
<br>"These unclassified documents have been in the public domain since
last
<br>summer when they were deposited in our offices," said Scott Armstrong,
<br>executive director of the National Security Archive, a research
<br>organization that discovered the uncensored memos in its files Monday.
<br>"It is surprising that the government would attempt to classify and
<br>excise nongovernment documents which have already been made public
in
<br>their entirety. This is contrary to every classification procedure
of
<br>which we are aware."
<br>But a senior Bush administration official familiar with the documents
<br>and issues in the North trial defended the effort to keep the
documents
<br>secret.
<br>Only a few people will remember the information released, the official
<br>argued. By reclassifying, secrecy can be preserved, he said.
<br>"However," he added, "the effort to protect these secrets fails if
the
<br>information is dredged up all over again in front of national
<br>television, which is broadcast not only inside the United States but
all
<br>over the world by satellite, including Central America."
<br>At the heart of the squabble in the North trial is the name of
Benjamin
<br>Piza, a Costa Rican security official who helped build a contra air
<br>field in Costa Rica.
<br>Piza was promised by U.S. officials that his name would be kept out
of
<br>official proceedings, even though it had surfaced before, the senior
<br>official said.
<br>"To an intelligence officer, the fact that the name came out in The
<br>Miami Herald is not that important because it has a limited regional
<br>impact," the official said. "But with national attention focused on
the
<br>trial, the release of the name would damage the official's security
and
<br>our intelligence relationship with him."
<br>U.S. intelligence officials deleted Piza's name from the court version
<br>of one of the disputed documents, an Aug. 25, 1985, memo to North from
<br>his Central America courier, Robert Owen. Also deleted were the names
of
<br>two other Costa Ricans, a contra leader and a "South American
citizen."
<br>But Owen's lawyers submitted a totally uncensored version of the memo
<br>last year in a Miami lawsuit against Iran-contra figures arising from
a
<br>failed assassination attempt on contra leader Eden Pastora in 1984.
<br>The uncensored memo refers to "Ben," a reference to Piza, and to two
<br>other Costa Ricans, "Johnny" and Col. Jose Ramon Montero Quesada.
Johnny
<br>apparently refers to Johnny Campos, Piza's deputy. Col. Montero
managed
<br>land on which the contra airstrip was built.
<br>The memo also refers to a contra leader, "Chepon" and to a Venezuelan,
<br>"Perez."
<br>Chepon was the code name of Jose Robelo, a contra leader at the time.
<br>The Owen memo says Chepon ordered "the torture and the ultimate
<br>execution" of a fellow Nicaraguan.
<br>Perez is a reference to Carlos Andres Perez, who was sworn in as
<br>president of Venezuela last month. The memo says Perez gave $50,000
to
<br>the contra organization Pastora led.
<br>The same document was released in 1987 by the congressional
Iran-contra
<br>committees with fewer deletions than the version issued Monday by the
<br>court.
<br>The congressionally released document omitted the names of the Costa
<br>Ricans, but left untouched Chepon and Perez.
<br>A second document censored for the Washington trial was also made
<br>available in the Miami lawsuit.
<br>This document, a March 17, 1986, Owen memo to North, outlines a major
<br>military-espionage operation against Nicaragua using boats from a
Costa
<br>Rican company linked to a Miami fishing firm.
<br>The censored version released at the North trial omits the type of
<br>company, the name of a town in Costa Rica, the name of a Cuban exile
<br>involved with the company and a whole segment related to Nicaraguan
<br>officials and the operation.
<br>The uncensored version identifies the company as a shrimping concern,
<br>Frigorificos de Puntarenas, the town as Limon on Costa Rica's Atlantic
<br>coast and the Cuban as Moises Nunez, a Frigorificos executive who was
<br>involved with the Miami affiliate, Ocean Hunter.
<br>The Reagan administration in 1985 and 1986 deposited more than
$200,000
<br>in Ocean Hunter's Miami accounts to buy boats, food and other
nonlethal
<br>supplies for the contras.
<br>According to the uncensored Owen memo, the plan involved having
<br>Frigorificos acquire fishing rights from Nicaragua to enable the
contras
<br>to spy on Sandinista coastal movements and launch military operations.
<br>The memo says Nunez was ready to sign a shrimping accord with
Nicaraguan
<br>Interior Minister Tomas Borge through Paul Atha, a high-level aide
to
<br>Borge and to Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega and his brother
Humberto
<br>Ortega, the Nicaraguan defense minister. The accord was to be a cover
<br>for the operation.
<br>"Nunez," the uncensored version says, "is about to sign an agreement
<br>with the Sandinista government which will provide him with shrimping
<br>rights off the Pacific coast of Nicaragua. Paul Atha is carrying the
<br>water for Borge, the Ortegas and the rest.
<br>"Nunez is doing this so he can help us. He will cooperate and do
<br>anything we ask. He believes this will provide an opportunity to use
his
<br>boats for cover operations, or to implicate the Ortegas and Borge in
<br>taking money on the side for their own pocket. He is right on both
<br>counts. As of last week he was supposed to find out if he is to go
to
<br>Managua, or if Atha will go to Costa Rica."
<br>It is unclear whether the operation was ever carried out.
<br>While not part of the trial controversy, a similar reluctance to
reveal
<br>other classified information led last month to a decision by the
special
<br>prosecutor to drop the central charges against North involving
<br>conspiracy to assist the contras through an unauthorized program.
<br>In dropping the charges, the court did not release any classified or
<br>censored documents, but legal briefs submitted by the special
prosecutor
<br>contained deletions to avoid giving away secret information.
<br>The only problem is that -- as with the Owen memos -- information and
<br>documents released during the congressional Iran-contra hearings or
<br>subsequently revealed the information -- chiefly names of Central
<br>American officials -- that the government sought to shield.
<br>Inter Press Service
<br>November 4, 1988, Friday
<br>HEADLINE: UNITED STATES: UNANSWERED QUESTIONS ABOUT BUSH AND "BLACK
<br>EAGLE"
<br>BYLINE: by Paul Glickman
<br>DATELINE: WASHINGTON, Nov. 4
<br>BODY:
<br>Republican presidential candidate George Bush is expected to win Nov.
<br>8's
<br>U.S. election, and analysts say one of the reasons for Bush's success
<br>has been
<br>his ability to escape excessive political damage arising from his ties
<br>to the
<br>Nicaraguan contras and Panamanian Gen. Manual Antonio Noriega.
<br>Democratic nominee Michael Dukakis has regularly attacked Bush over
the
<br>Ronald Reagan Administration's 1985-86 illegal secret network set up
to
<br>supply
<br>the anti-Sandinista rebels, as well as its willingness to do business
<br>with
<br>Noriega despite abundant evidence that the Panamanian was heavily
<br>involved with
<br>cocaine traffickers.
<br>Bush is Reagan's vice president.
<br>Through a combination of public denial, changing explanations and
<br>official
<br>silence, the Reagan Administration and the Bush campaign have
weathered
<br>Dukakis'
<br>criticisms without losing too many votes.
<br>A new investigative report in "Rolling Stone" magazine now suggests
that
<br>Bush's desire to end the public debate over his connections to the
<br>contra
<br>operation and to Noriega may have been part of an effort to prevent
<br>exposure of
<br>another, earlier illegal covert operation to supply the contras.
<br>This effort, codenamed "Operation Black Eagle," provided the rebels
with
<br>arms
<br>from 1983-85, at a time when the U.S. Congress had prohibited the
<br>Central
<br>Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the Defense Department from funding
<br>efforts to
<br>overthrow the Sandinista government, said the article, published in
the
<br>magazine's Nov. 3 issue.
<br>"Black Eagle" was conceived of by former CIA Director William Casey,
and
<br>Vice
<br>President Bush allowed his office to serve as a cover for the project,
<br>said the
<br>article, which was based on interviews with key "Black Eagle"
<br>operatives, career
<br>military officers, intelligence agents, and others.
<br>Donald Gregg, Bush's national security adviser and an ex-CIA official,
<br>served
<br>as "Black Eagle's" logistical and financial coordinator, while Felix
<br>Rodriguez,
<br>another former CIA agent, ran the supply operation out of the
Salvadoran
<br>Air
<br>Force's Ilopango Air Base, it remarked.
<br>It was Rodriguez who ran the later secret contra supply effort, again
<br>out of
<br>Ilopango, for former White House aide Lt. Col. Oliver North.
<br>The North effort was carried out to get around a 1984 congressional
<br>prohibition on military aid to the rebels.
<br>After the media exposed North's 1985-86 project, Gregg said in
December
<br>1986
<br>that he had only known of Rodriguez' work as a counter-insurgency
<br>adviser to the
<br>Salvadoran military, and did not learn about the contra supply effort
<br>until
<br>August 1986.
<br>However, Gregg included "resupply of the contras" on the agenda for
a
<br>May
<br>1986 meeting with Rodriguez, according to a memo writtenby Gregg that
<br>was
<br>subsequently made public.
<br>Telephone logs and testimony by Gregg and his deputy, Col. Samuel
<br>Watson,
<br>made it clear that both men were in frequent contact with Rodriguez
in
<br>1985 and
<br>1986.
<br>And when a cargo plane ferrying arms for the contras was shot down
over
<br>Nicaragua in October 1986, Rodriguez first called Bush's office with
the
<br>news.
<br>The vice president himself met with Rodriguez three separate times,
but
<br>both
<br>men insisted that they only discussed the Salvadoran situation.
<br>While the North operation opened Bush to political attacks by Dukakis,
<br>"Rolling Stone" discussed a facet of "Black Eagle" that, if exposed,
<br>might have
<br>ruined Bush's political career.
<br>Noriega allowed those running "Black Eagle" to use Panamanian
airfields
<br>for
<br>the supply flights, and to set up front companies in Panama, said the
<br>article.
<br>Several people involved with the operation said the general then
<br>appropriated
<br>"Black Eagle" cargo planes to smuggle cocaine and marijuana to the
<br>United States
<br>for the Medellin cartel of Colombia, it remarked.
<br>Noriega -- who was indicted by two U.S. Federal Grand Juries in
February
<br>on
<br>drug-related charges -- has always denied any involvement with
<br>narcotics.
<br>Jose Blandon, Noriega's former chief of political intelligence, along
<br>with a
<br>retired U.S. Army covert operative who had been assigned to "Black
<br>Eagle," told
<br>"Rolling Stone" that U.S. officials struck a deal with Noriega: one
<br>percent of
<br>the gross income generated by the drug flights was set aside to buy
<br>additional
<br>weapons for the contras.
<br>Richard Brenneke, an Oregon-based arms dealer who brokered "Black
Eagle"
<br>arms
<br>purchases in Czechoslovakia, told the magazine he became disgusted
after
<br>co-piloting two drug flights, but was told by Gregg not to question
his
<br>orders.
<br>Bush has denied any involvement with the contra supply network run
by
<br>Lt.
<br>Col. North, despite his aides' frequent contacts with Rodriguez.
<br>The vice president has never mentioned "Black Eagle," however, and
he
<br>refused
<br>to answer any questions about it when contacted by "Rolling Stone."
<br>So far Bush has experienced virtually no negative political fallout
from
<br>the
<br>expose, because the major mainstream media -- including the television
<br>networks,
<br>the "New York Times," and the "Washington Post" -- has not given the
<br>story
<br>credibility by reporting on it.
<br>If the magazine's article is true, it would help explain why the
<br>Reagan-Bush
<br>Administration fell entirely mute about Noriega after spending several
<br>months
<br>earlier in the year openly trying to force him out of office.
<br>After the U.S. drug indictments were handed down, Noriega created an
<br>uproar
<br>when he apparently engineered the dismissal of President Eric Arturo
<br>Delvalle,
<br>who had tried to fire Noriega.
<br>The Reagan Administration imposed stringent economic sanctions against
<br>Panama
<br>and even considered military action to force Noriega from power.
<br>U.S. officials, as well as members of Congress, joined in a loud
chorus
<br>that
<br>demanded Noriega's resignation for the good of Panama.
<br>But after the administration failed in may to convince Noriega to step
<br>down
<br>in exchange for dropping the drug charges, "there was a conscious
<br>decision by
<br>the political staff of the White House to remove Panama from the
<br>agenda," a
<br>senior administration official told the "New York Times" last week.
<br>"They didn't want Panama to be an issue in the campaign," he said.
<br>Dukakis has strived throughout the campaign to make Noriega an issue,
<br>repeatedly accusing Bush -- as he did in their Sept. 25 debate -- of
<br>serving in
<br>an administration "that's been dealing with a drug-running Panamanian
<br>dictator."
<br>Bush had insisted earlier in the campaign that he first learnt about
<br>Noriega's alleged activities when the indictments were handed down
in
<br>February,
<br>but he changed his story when the media revealed that the U.S.
<br>government has
<br>known about the Panamanian's reported drug ties since the 1970's.
<br>Now the vice president says there were suspicions about Noriega, but
the
<br>administration had no "hard evidence" that the general was involved
with
<br>drugs
<br>until the grand juries indicted him.
<p>INVESTIGATIVE REPORT: POLITICS AND COVERT OPERATION POLICY IN THE DRUG
<br>WAR
<br> By Michael L. Montalvo
<br>A Drug War POW
<br>Copyright 1997
<br> In 1982, $200 million in Taxpayers? funds were transferred in
an agency
<br>account under the Central Intelligence Agency. The funds were then
<br>covertly used by dedicated officials in high office for a contract
to
<br>purchase, manufacture, and import more than 500 tons of cocaine
between
<br>1982 and 1987, with National Security as a cover, in order to secretly
<br>finance anti-communist military operations in third world countries.
<br>That cocaine flooded the inner cities of the United States and became
<br>the ?Crack Cocaine Epidemic.? United States foreign intelligence needs
<br>created a generation of drug users and the largest prison population
in
<br>the world to save the world from communism. This is, unfortunately,
a
<br>true story with live eye witnesses, and documentary evidence written
in
<br>Oliver North?s personal diary which contained 584 entries concerning
<br>cocaine importation.
<br> In the 1970s, cocaine was an expensive illicit drug allegedly
available
<br>in elite society. It was just not available to the general public.
The
<br>lower economic communities had no cocaine problems since a kilogram
of
<br>cocaine cost four times the price of a $15,000 home in south central
Los
<br>Angeles. In 1982 things changed. Cocaine was suddenly available in
the
<br>black communities for fifteen to twenty thousand, and on credit - no
<br>money down, pay when you can.
<br> Since 1982, cocaine has flooded the inner cities. Regular jobs
were not
<br>available. Thousands of people became cocaine users and dealers
causing
<br>a new economy to blossom based on cocaine?s two salable forms - crack
<br>and powder. A ten dollar crack rock would give an intense short high.
<br>Slightly more expensive powder was a snorted substance that was a
<br>different short high. In the no-job areas, sales became the ticket
to
<br>economic success for African Americans to buy homes and cars without
<br>having to be highly paid athletes, dancers, or entertainers.
<br> The big question is how hundreds of tons of cocaine got to the
black
<br>communities, and on credit. In the recent trial of Ricky Ross for a
<br>?reverse sting? (where the government sells the dope), evidence showed
<br>that he sold cocaine in the 1980s - provided by the government to
<br>finance covert operations. Ross was not the only one.
<br> The Secret Keepers
<br> Lt. Col. Oliver North, of the United States Marines, took orders
from
<br>then Vice President George Bush from 1981 to beyond 1986. North, for
God
<br>and country, transported over 500 tons of cocaine to finance the
Contra
<br>War. North made cheap cocaine available to the poor masses of the
inner
<br>cities and across the USA to save Central America, other countries,
and
<br>the United States itself, from Communism. Oliver North, American hero,
<br>and George Bush are the fathers of ?crack babies.?
<br> This newly discovered evidence proves North, under orders from
Bush in
<br>the White House, contracted with the chief cocaine producer in Bolivia
<br>in 1983 to airlift over 500 tons of cocaine to the East Coast of the
<br>United States for distribution by a Colombian cartel. The cocaine
<br>airlift enterprise was such a continuing success that cocaine kilogram
<br>prices dropped from $60,000 to $10,000 in one year during the
<br>Reagan-Bush Drug War. Other independent evidence shows that this
airlift
<br>was not the only cocaine contract made by the White House for covert
<br>operation funding. These emerging White House secrets were concealed,
<br>until recently, by threats, a trail of deaths, and incarceration of
<br>participants whom the White House, through North, found to be ?loose
<br>ends.?
<br> In a series of articles in August 1996, the San Jose Mercury
News
<br>outlined the origins of the crack cocaine trade in the United States.
<br>Reporter Gary Webb spent a year investigation the long-term
relationship
<br>between Norwin Meneses, a Nicaraguan drug trafficker; Oscar Blandon,
a
<br>Nicaraguan drug trafficker/double dealing federal informant connected
to
<br>the Contra rebels; and Ricky Ross, also known as ?Freeway Rick,? an
<br>African American from South Central Los Angeles, who by his own
<br>admission supplied the LA Bloods and Crips in the 1980?s with 100
<br>kilograms a week of crack cocaine.
<br> The San Jose Mercury News article created a tidal wave of
outrage
<br>against the government in the black communities most severely ravaged
by
<br>the ?crack cocaine epidemic.? Congresswoman Maxine Waters demanded
an
<br>investigation by Attorney General Janet Reno. A special Senate
Committee
<br>was convened to investigate allegations of Central Intelligence Agency
<br>(CIA) involvement in drug trafficking. Senators Arlen Specter, Bob
<br>Kerrey, and Charles Robb comprised the committee, also the Special
<br>Investigator of the Department of Justice was Michael Bromwich and
the
<br>CIA Inspector General was Frederick Hitz. The CIA, who is presently
<br>investigating itself, will invariably prove itself innocent.
<br> On November 15, 1996, Congresswoman Juanita Millender-McDonald
<br>(D-Carson) and CIA Director, John Deutch, came to a meeting in Watts
<br>(Los Angeles), to deny claims of CIA involvement in drug activity.
A
<br>skeptical and irate audience of African Americans responded with a
<br>shouting match. The community did not believe Deutch. Cheap cocaine
had
<br>been mysteriously flooding Watts? neighborhoods since the early
1980?s,
<br>and black people did not have access to cargo planes and ships to
carry
<br>such quantities.
<br> Anti-Communist Strategy Relied On Covert Actions
<br> President Ronald Reagan and Vice President George Bush came to
power in
<br>1980. Reagan and Bush had run for high office with a strong message
that
<br>Americans lived in a hostile world with enemies closing in on them.
<br>Russian troops were in Afghanistan, Sandanista Marxists were in
<br>Nicaragua, Salvador and Guatemala, Castro was in Cuba assisting
<br>communists enemies in Central America, South America and United States
<br>citizens were held hostage in Iran. President Reagan wanted to
energize
<br>the Central Intelligence Agency since the public did not want another
<br>war like Vietnam. Bush was the CIA director in 1976. To run the CIA,
<br>Reagan selected his campaign manager, William Casey. Reagan, Bush,
and
<br>Casey selected Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North of the United States
<br>Marines as the man to carry out covert ?missions impossible,? like
a
<br>James Bond, outside the view of Congress. Reagan ultimately authorized
<br>over 50 covert operations with Casey, and North carried them out. If
<br>North fell, he would take all blame to shield Reagan and Bush, and
the
<br>Executive Department. North?s primary mission was to keep the Contra
War
<br>going despite the lack of aid and support from Congress.
<br> The Russians gave the Sandanistas (whom the Contras were
fighting)
$5
<br>billion dollars. Libyan leader Quadafy gave Ortega, the Sandanistan
<br>leader, $1 billion to fight the Contras. It would have taken an equal
<br>amount for the Contras to effectively hold ground and fight the
<br>?communists threat at the back door of the United States.?
<br> In order to effectively feed, clothe, arm, equip, medicate and
supply
<br>the anti-communist Contra forces in Nicaragua, Salvador and Guatemala,
<br>the Reagan-Bush White House had to raise a lot of money quickly.
<br>Speeches and pleas to conservative Americans to raise donations could
<br>not meet the need.
<br> On December 4, 1981, Reagan signed Executive Order 12333. Later
Reagan
<br>signed National Security Decision Directives (NSDD) 2 and 3 which
<br>established a Special Situation Group (SSG) and Crisis Pre-Planning
<br>Group (CPPG) to be controlled by the Vice President [see CPPG Page
1 and
<br>Page 2]. These decrees placed Vice President Bush in charge of all
<br>covert operations - especially the not-so-secret Contra War. In the
same
<br>month, Reagan placed Vice President Bush in charge of the NSC, an
<br>umbrella intelligence agency for the CIA, Drug Enforcement Agency
(DEA),
<br>Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), Department of Justice (DOJ),
and
<br>the Pentagon.
<br>Executive Order 12333 ?privatized? NSC intelligence operations and
<br>permitted agencies other than the CIA to carry out ?special
operations?
<br>without reporting its activities. This opened the door for the White
<br>House NSC staff, under Bush, and any private enterprise the NSC set
up,
<br>to carry out covert operations. Paragraph 2.7 of the Executive Order,
<br>?Contracting,? allowed North to contract for and purchase anything
?for
<br>authorized intelligence reasons,? without having to report it. North
had
<br>virtually unlimited authority and power, like 007, to raise money for
<br>Reagan?s and Bush?s White House covert operations. North?s NSC
<br>headquarters were in the White House close to his two superiors,
Reagan
<br>and Bush. Bush was concurrently in charge of the ?War on Drugs.?
<br> The CIA had previously been extremely successful in supporting
<br>anti-communist armies in Southeast Asia in the 1960?s and 1970?s by
<br>working closely with the opium and heroin traffickers in those areas.
<br>For a brief synopsis of this history, see Jonathan Marshall, Drug
Wars:
<br>Corruption, Counterinsurgency and Covert Operations in the Third
World,
<br>(Berkeley: Cohen and Cohen, 1991), Chapter 4; Peter Dale Scott,
<br>Introduction, in Henrick Druger?s The Great Heroin Coup: Drugs,
<br>Intelligence, and International Fascism, (Boston: South End Press,
<br>1980); and Peter Dale Scott, Cocaine Politics, Drug Armies, and the
CIA
<br>in Central America, University of California Press, 1991,
Introduction,
<br>page 4.
<br> Foreign intelligence operations by the CIA are commonly aligned
with
<br>drug traffickers and local mafias since those organizations are
<br>anti-socialist, pro-capitalist, and have already well placed routes
and
<br>connections to find anything (e.g. hostages, arms buyers, backdoors
to
<br>high government office, smuggling routes, etc.). The CIA and DEA has
<br>offices in all the United States Embassies, and the money to pay local
<br>police and operatives for information.
<br> An anti-cocaine, leftist-friendly civilian government had came
to power
<br>in Bolivia before 1980. It seized cocaine from traffickers and stored
it
<br>in the National Bank. The CIA assisted and supported the military coup
<br>in Bolivia to replace the civilian leftist government. The new CIA
<br>backed Bolivian government had friendly relations with the cocaine
<br>cartel. Roberto Suarez organized the multi-level coca growers and
<br>produces into coca ?syndicatos? funneling the majority of crude coca
<br>paste production through Suarez?s brokers.
<br> The Covert Operation: Cocaine For National Security
<br> Sometime in 1982 or early 1983, Oliver North made contact with
the
<br>Ochoa cocaine cartel in Columbia and the Suarez family in Bolivia for
<br>the purpose of raising large amounts of money to finance the
<br>anti-communist Contra War and other similar covert operations. The
<br>Ochoas and Suarez had extensive underground organizations; Roberto
<br>Suarez?s group had the previously organized coca syndicatos to provide
<br>huge amounts of raw coca paste to convert to cocaine, and the Ochoa
<br>group had a well established cocaine distribution network in the
United
<br>States for many years. However, there had been great difficulty in
<br>transportation of the cocaine from source countries to the market in
the
<br>United States. Transportation of cocaine was in 300 kilogram lots and
a
<br>hit or miss situation. Sometimes the transporters? pilot or boat
captain
<br>might get arrested, or they could lose or steal the merchandise. For
<br>that reason, cocaine was very expensive in the United States in 1973
to
<br>1983, costing about $50,00 to $60,000 a kilogram wholesale.
<br> North offered a profitable solution. North contracted with Bobby
Suarez
<br>(Roberto Suarez?s youngest son) to purchase 500 tons of finished
cocaine
<br>hydrochloride, then transport it in executive jets to the United
States
<br>under cover of National Security, land it, store it, and deliver the
<br>cocaine to the Ochoa distribution network - without risk - at a price
<br>cheaper than the cocaine cartel family could compete with. This was
<br>unquestionably the largest and most ambitious cocaine enterprise in
<br>history, and it was above the law. To capitalize the enterprise until
it
<br>received income, North obtained $200 million in ?seed money? from the
<br>CIA to secure raw materials, equipment, personnel, commitments, and
to
<br>sustain laboratory production until income made the enterprise
<br>self-supporting.
<br> Production of massive amounts of cocaine started in Bolivia and
Peru to
<br>meet the 500 ton contract. Chemicals, supplies, and strong ?made in
<br>America? cardboard packing boxes were flown down from the United
States
<br>to Bolivia in CIA Hercules C-130 cargo planes. Manufacturing of the
<br>cocaine from crude pasta was conducted at three NSC sponsored
<br>laboratories in Bolivia, and one in Peru. Gallo and Rico were two of
<br>many DEA cocaine chemists employed. Bolivian Colonel Jose Luis
Gutierrez
<br>was in charge of the cocaine manufacturing operation in the Beni
region
<br>of Bolivia. The huge ?Perseverancia? ranch belonging to Bolivian
cocaine
<br>queen turned CIA asset, Sonia Atala, was used in the operation. Atala
<br>had become a DEA/CIA asset in 1982. The perseverancia Ranch was
perfect
<br>for a covert operation because of its many airstrips, ranch houses,
<br>vastness, and it was located in the middle of the Bolivian jungle,
<br>creating the necessary privacy.
<br> While the cocaine manufacturing progressed for the White
House/NSC
500
<br>ton contract, North contracted with several highly skilled civilian
<br>pilots who had their own large, long range, executive jets which could
<br>each carry three to five ton loads of the NSC cocaine to the United
<br>States from South America. The success of the first few flights was
<br>critical to the White House NSC enterprise because North had to return
<br>the $200 million ?seed money? to the CIA. North monitored the initial
<br>phases.
<br> At one meeting in October 1983, North, Bobby Suarez, Bolivian
Colonel
<br>Chireque, Colonel Jose Nello Callau, and Jose Luis Guiterrez, and two
<br>Hispanic-American DEA/NSC agents (names redacted) met at the Astoria
<br>Hotel in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, with two mercenary pilots concerning
the
<br>air route and landing instructions. A five ton load of the White
<br>House/NSC cocaine was boxed and ready for delivery to the United
States.
<br>During this business lunch, North gave specific instructions to the
two
<br>pilots directing them to use certain call letters, certain
frequencies,
<br>certain key words in radio contact with the air controller, and to
land
<br>at a particular small city airport in Georgia where North stated his
<br>people would meet the plane, unload the cargo, and provide refueling
and
<br>service for the planes to leave. North explained that there were a
total
<br>of five planes involved in this cocaine airlift, and that Bush was
<br>advised and aware of this operation.
<br> Two days later, a large, long range, private jet was loaded at
the
<br>Trevillos International Airport outside Santa Cruz, with strong ?made
in
<br>America? cardboard packing boxes containing five tons (5,000
kilograms)
<br>of NSC cocaine. Four DEA/NSC agents (names redacted) conducted the
<br>loading of the cocaine. These federal agents looked like average
<br>American guys without distinguishing features.
<br> North had also arranged for emergency landings in Manaus,
Brazil,
and
<br>Maracaibo, Venezuela. North had an DEA/NSC operative in each location
to
<br>receive the plane and protect it while a repair or special situation
was
<br>corrected. Because of North?s military precise planning and
organization
<br>of the enterprise, no loads or planes were ever lost. Three to five
ton
<br>cocaine loads of the White House/NSC cocaine was picked up weekly,
<br>usually in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, but also from time to time in Peru,
<br>Brazil and Columbia. North had arranged clear air corridors through
air
<br>traffic controllers and radar operators based on the NSC?s authority.
<br> North?s smuggling pilots were extremely trustworthy. Loaded with
three
<br>to five tons of cocaine, the executive jets flew above the AWAC radars
<br>that searched for drug planes, and flew a direct flight to the United
<br>States. North had NSC landing crews, dressed in police or military
<br>uniforms, receive the planes in Georgia, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin,
Texas,
<br>New York, and other locations where North had NSC or CIA operatives
and
<br>could use ?national security? to land and unload the jets.
<br> On take off, North?s smuggler pilots were given a destination
and call
<br>letters. North had a person in the control tower for the pilots to
<br>contact in route using the call letters provided. When the pilots used
<br>the correct subtle word in the radio message, the landing crew would
be
<br>alerted for the arrival. The White House/NSC operation was precise
and
<br>organized for safety to the smallest detail. Each shipment was
conducted
<br>flawlessly and openly, just like a normal safe business transaction.
<br>When the NSC cocaine-loaded plane landed, the airport pick-up truck
with
<br>a ?follow-me? lit sign in the bed would lead the plane, with a five
car
<br>police or military escort, to a safe hangar where the boxes were
<br>unloaded into a large military bus.
<br> After complete servicing, the NSC landing crew sent the plane
on its
<br>way. The cocaine loaded military bus drove off with five police cars
in
<br>escort. Another 5 tons of cocaine for National Security had arrived,
and
<br>would soon be sold to the public and become dollars for the Executive
<br>Departments fight against ungodly communism. Sometimes, a CIA Hercules
<br>C-130 cargo plane would be sent carrying up to fifteen tons of the
<br>enterprise?s cocaine from Bolivia to the United States.
<br> North was able to quickly double and return the $200 million
seed money
<br>to the CIA. Thus, the American Taxpayer was ultimately the provider
of
<br>the seed money for the White House/NSC cocaine distribution enterprise
<br>across the United States under the leadership of Reagan and Bush. Once
<br>the Executive Department cocaine shipments landed and were stored,
the
<br>cocaine was given to the Ochoa cartel for distribution throughout
their
<br>well established network. This isolated the White House/NSC
<br>transportation service. The Ochoas kept this secret fairly well since
<br>transportation of the cocaine is the most important link between the
<br>source and the market. It is also the most dangerous and difficult
<br>segment of the cocaine business since the loss of one load could
<br>eliminate a business or a life by crash or arrest.
<br>The White House Cocaine Monopoly
<br>While other South American cocaine cartels, producers, shippers, boat
<br>captains and airplane pilots lost 300-500 kilogram cocaine loads
through
<br>interception or theft, the Ochoa cartel never lost any cocaine. Peers
<br>and competitors of the Ochoas never could figure how the Ochoa family
<br>could distribute so much cocaine in the United. States while they had
no
<br>known laboratory to make it, or pilots to transport it. However, the
<br>head of the Ochoa cartel, Jorge Ochoa, did let slip to someone how
his
<br>cocaine landed in the United States. According to Newsday, January
21,
<br>1987, an FBI informant (the wife of a Colombian Drug trafficker) told
<br>the Kerry Commission (the Senate subcommittee set up to investigate
<br>Oliver North and the Iran-Contra-Cocaine allegations) that Jorge Ochoa
<br>"told her that he was working with the CIA to get illegal cocaine into
<br>South Florida." How the U.S. Government Has Augmented America's
Drug
<br>Crisis, by Peter Dale Scott, Ph.D, 1996, Prevailing Winds Magazine,
<br>Number 4, page 10; and Cocaine Politics, Drugs, Armies and the CIA
in
<br>Central America, supra, page 18, 197.
<br>The same informant reported seeing Southern Air Transport planes (a
CIA
<br>company) land in Barranquilla, Columbia, unload weapons and load
<br>cocaine. The New York Times, reported this on February 24, 1988, and
<br>added that, according to an FBI spokesman, this informant was employed
<br>in Miami briefly in 1987 by the FBI and proved to be reliable. Id.
<br>"Senate sources claim that she [informant] passed the polygraph
tests."
<br>Cocaine Politics, supra, at page 18.
<br>The White House/NSC cocaine maximum cost was $3,000 a kilogram from
the
<br>DEA/NSC controlled laboratories after paying for raw materials,
<br>salaries, and operational expenses. Transportation costs for the loads
<br>from Bolivia, Brazil, Peru, or Colombia were $4,000 a kilogram
<br>(multiplied by 3,000 to 5,000 kilograms per flight). North could then
<br>provide the Ochoa distributing organization with a landed kilogram
<br>cheaper than any cartels could.
<br>Before this massive NSC cocaine airlift, cocaine was about $50,000
a
<br>kilogram wholesale. Thanks to North's military precise, long-term
<br>flooding of the cocaine market, wholesale and retail prices dropped
<br>dramatically, forcing independent Colombian cartels and smugglers to
<br>drop their prices to compete with the
<br>market prices that the "enterprise" had created. The White House/NSC
<br>cocaine superhighway continued for many years bringing at least 600
tons
<br>of cocaine (probably closer to 1,000 tons according to witnesses),
which
<br>was over half of the American market.
<br>The Ochoa cartel and a few other distributors used the White House
<br>risk-free transportation service and expanded their existing
<br>distribution operations to enlist new lower level distributors by
<br>extending credit and lower prices to effectively uncut competitors.
The
<br>White House/NSC weekly production of an average five tons of cocaine
<br>out-supplied demand and was a major force in driving cocaine prices
down
<br>by creating unlimited availability.
<br>At the beginning of the cocaine airlift, the NSC and the chosen
<br>Colombian distribution families made greater profits by holding the
<br>prices close to, but slightly lower than, going market prices. As in
any
<br>commodity oversupply, the demand lagged and caused competitive pricing
<br>and greater credit terms to be extended to old and new lower tier
<br>dealers. The distributors of the White House/NSC cocaine often
competed
<br>to attract the same dealer. It was common for a dealer to play two
Ochoa
<br>suppliers against each other on price for the same cocaine because
of
<br>the oversupply. The Ochoas had dozens of friends and cousins brokering
<br>the unlimited supply of the enterprise's cocaine. These Ochoa brokers
<br>made anyone major dealers, on credit, if they said they knew other
<br>retail or wholesale buyers. Any amount of cocaine could be given on
<br>short term credit. The White House/NSC cocaine was a dominating market
<br>force that brought inexpensive cocaine to every neighborhood.
<br>Money Laundering For National Security
<br>Some of the money that the Executive Department made through this
<br>Bush-North enterprise was flown to Europe by private jet and placed
in
<br>the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) where all the
<br>members of the cocaine enterprise, Contra operations, and any other
CIA
<br>related activity, banked in order to ensure easy payment exchanges.
Even
<br>Panamanian leader Noriega had his account at the BCCI from his annual
<br>$200,000 per year CIA salary and other CIA bonus payments. The BCCI
was
<br>conveniently located worldwide, and in New York, to accept and
disburse
<br>CIA covert operation money. The BCCI had associations with other banks
<br>in Washington, D.C., and Tennessee, in order to facilitate the flow
of
<br>NSC/CIA covert operation money. North also used Italy's state owned
<br>Banca Nazionale del Lavaro (BNL) which had a branch in Atlanta,
Georgia.
<br>Later North used the BNL to lend money to companies all over the
world,
<br>including those supplying Saddam Hussein with weapons manufacturing
<br>gear.
<br>After North paid all the expenses and costs for manufacturing and
<br>importation of the cocaine, he used the proceeds to buy the arms,
<br>supplies, provisions, heavy equipment and aircraft needed for the
<br>Contras in Nicaragua, Salvador, and Guatemala. The supplies were then
<br>flown to the Contras daily. Contra soldiers were clothed., armed, and
<br>equipped as well as American forces. However, after one of the NSC
<br>planes from Florida crashed in Central America in 1986, North started
<br>shredding all his files and the cocaine accounting books he kept in
the
<br>White House office.
<br>The White House cocaine airlift made cocaine so plentiful, and on
<br>unlimited credit terms, that many persons who would not have sold
<br>cocaine were lured into the lucrative black market cocaine business.
It
<br>happened by Executive Department design.
<br>There have been other independent reports that verify the White
<br>House/NCS cocaine importation and distribution enterprise described
<br>here. In Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central
<br>America, by Peter Scott Dale, 1991, University of California Press,
the
<br>author states:
<p>"The Bolivian and Spanish Press, for example, gave considerable
<br>attention to reports that a notorious cocaine factory near Bolivia's
<br>border with Brazil was financing the Nicaraguan resistance. The story
<br>received a remarkable boost when the son of Bolivian drug lord Roberto
<br>Suarez charged that the factory was actually controlled by the DEA
and
<br>challenged Bolivian authorities to let journalists see for
themselves."
<br>Citing Latin American Weekly Report, October 13, 1988, El Pais,
<br>September 14, 1988, Hoy International (La Paz), September 12- 18,
1988,
<br>cf. Federico Aguilob, ?El Casa Huanchaca,? Estudios Sociales
II
<br>(December 6, 1988).
<br>Former DEA undercover agent Michael Levine authored The Big White Lie:
<br>The CIA And The Cocaine/Crack Epidemic, 1993, by Thunder's Mouth
Press.
<br>Levine had worked as an DEA undercover agent in Bolivia and Argentina
in
<br>1980 to 1982, and later he was undercover in Arizona in 1982 with
<br>Bolivian confidential
<br>informant Sonia Atala. Levine tells how the CIA's intelligence
<br>operations protected certain large drug operations. Levine also
reported
<br>that Oliver North was seen at a cocaine laboratory in the Huanchaca
area
<br>of Bolivia. Id., page 455.
<p>"From the Bolivian point of view, the whole drug war [in Bolivia] was
a
<br>haphazardly, at time comically, choreographed show for the benefit
of
<br>visiting U.S. politicians and media for the purpose of keeping
American
<br>aid dollars flowing. There were also those disquieting rumors that
at
<br>least one of the biggest cocaine labs--the one at Huanchaca--was run
by
<br>the CIA to finance South American operations like the Contras. Some
<br>eyewitnesses claim to have seen Oliver North, American hero, at the
<br>Huanchaca lab." Id.
<br>After I read The Big White Lie, I wrote to former DEA agent and author
<br>Mike Levine and asked him for corroboration of the sightings of Oliver
<br>North in Huanchaca, Bolivia. Levine sent me a pack of information and
<br>told me that Bolivian author Roger Cortez, a member of the Bolivian
<br>congress, had written a book about North and the Huanchaca cocaine
<br>laboratory, but that book was only available in Spanish. Levine also
<br>sent me a copy of the July 9, 1984, page from North's personal diary
<br>where North wrote that he wanted an aircraft to go to Bolivia and pick
<br>up 1,500 kilograms of paste. Levine included two newer articles he
wrote
<br>in which he demonstrated the government's top level involvement in
<br>cocaine importing operations while it conducted a drug war.
<br>Levine stated that a book is forthcoming by a researcher and that it
<br>will give the details of the NSC laboratories in Bolivia which
supplied
<br>massive amounts of cocaine for delivery into the United States.
North's
<br>2,600 pages of personal notes are in the possession of the National
<br>Security Archives, Washington, D.C., and approximately 500 pages of
his
<br>notes are devoted to drug trafficking. Some of the specific notes
<br>describing drug transactions were also written about in Out of
Control,
<br>by Leslie Cockburn, Atlantic Monthly Press.
<br>Other eyewitness accounts report the North's meetings in Bolivia
<br>concerning the cocaine manufacturing and airlift were conducted with
<br>casual business efficiency, and were compared to a Chief Executive
<br>Officer's tour of his corporation's various departments--like Henry
Ford
<br>visiting his assembly line and having lunch with the department heads
to
<br>discuss operational matters.
<br>Independent of the White House/NSC 500 ton cocaine airlift contract
<br>operated by North, there was apparently a separate White House/NSC
<br>cocaine airlift operated by North from the Illopango military bases
in
<br>Honduras. According to former DEA agent Levine, the DEA agent in
<br>Tegucigalpa, Honduras, Celerino Castillo III, documented that the
<br>Honduran military (which was helping North and the CIA support the
<br>Contras in Nicaragua) was the source of more than 50 tons of cocaine
<br>smuggled into the United States in a 15 month period in 1983-1984.
See
<br>The Big White Lie, The CIA and the Cocaine/Crack Epidemic, page 123.
The
<br>DEA agent, Castillo, was transferred and the office closed.
<br>On October 17, 1996, both former DEA agents Michael Levine and
Celerino
<br>Castillo III, appeared at the Forum in Oakland, California for a
session
<br>of "We The People," hosted by former California Governor Jerry Brown.
<br>Also present was reporter Gary Webb, author of the much acclaimed
<br>investigative report entitled, "Dark Alliance" which detailed
<br>CIA-Contra-Cocaine relationships. Castillo described how he had
received
<br>a tip to investigate Hangers 4 and 5 at Illopango military airfield.
<br>Castillo investigated the Hangers and found them full of cocaine, with
<br>CIA agent Feliz Rodriguez babysitting them.
<br>The following story appeared recently in the Los Angeles Times:
<br>"On September 23, 1996, former DEA agent Celerino Castillo III said
that
<br>he sent reports about Contra drug flights into the United States in
<br>1982-83 to the DEA and even spoke to the Embassy official. Castillo,
who
<br>retired from the DEA in 1992, said he sent cables to Washington with
<br>specific dates and flight numbers out of Illopango Air Base in El
<br>Salvador, which was the CIA logistical support center for the Contras.
<br>He claims that the Americans hired by Contra leaders piloted many of
the
<br>drug flights. Castillo accused Edwin G. Corr, then-U.S. Ambassador
to El
<br>Salvador of ignoring the flights. According to Castillo, Corr told
him:
<br>"My hands are tied because these are Contra operations being run by
the
<br>White House." Castillo said he first revealed what he knew in 1994
when
<br>Oliver North, former Reagan White House aide, was seeking election
to
<br>the U.S. Senate from Virginia. Castillo strongly opposed North because
<br>he believed that North had sanctioned the drug flights. North has
denied
<br>these charges. (Robert L. Jackson, "Ex-DEA Agent Ties Contras to U.S.
<br>Drug Flights." Los Angeles Times, September 24, 1996, p. A23).
<br>Castillo's discovery and investigation of the cocaine he found in the
<br>Illopango hangers used by the CIA, the NSC, and North are detailed
in
<br>his book, Powderburns: Cocaine, Contras & The Drug War, by
Celerino
<br>Castillo, Mosaic Press, 1994.
<br>When North was prosecuted, he lied and misdirected the inquiries by
<br>claiming he made profits solely from the sale of arms to Iran, and
with
<br>those profits, be bought arms to sell to the Contras at a 38% profit.
<br>This was perjury. North was actually selling cocaine, and controlled
the
<br>cocaine market by the tonnage of cocaine he imported. There was no
<br>commerce or possible method for the Contras to raise money to buy arms
<br>from North. Contra soldiers and leaders did not have time or access
to
<br>cocaine in a war zone. All of the Contra arms and supplies were a gift
<br>from the Executive Department through North. Documentation of the
money
<br>trail through the BCCI accounts, containing billions of cocaine
dollars
<br>North earned supplying the Ochoa distribution operation in the United
<br>States, were destroyed before Congress got to them.
<br>Because of the White House/NSC operation, cocaine was no longer an
<br>expensive and elite drug. The Executive Department's covert activity
<br>made cocaine as cheap and available to the public as McDonald's
burgers.
<br>Everyone could now get cocaine for as low as five dollars a hit. The
<br>flood of White House cocaine, while the job market fell, created a
<br>multi-level market for cocaine dealing and made it an attractive
<br>alternate to unemployment.
<br>The law of economics prevailed. Since the Executive Department's
supply
<br>of cocaine greatly exceeded current demand, prices plummeted from
<br>$60,000 to $12,500 a kilogram on the street in 1983-85. By 1988, the
<br>price fell to a wholesale low of $9,500 a kilogram. This was a period
of
<br>plant closings, high unemployment, and large cut backs in Welfare
under
<br>President Reagan's plan to limit federal government.
<br>Even the ghettos and rural areas were awash with accessible, cheap
<br>cocaine because of the NSC operation headed by George Bush, who was
<br>paradoxically in charge of the Drug War. The White House/NSC cocaine
<br>enterprise while enacting tougher drug laws, created over a million
new
<br>jobs--multi-level cocaine dealerships, related robberies, and
<br>corresponding law enforcement and prison guard positions.
<br>The conservative estimate of cocaine consumption in the United States
<br>during the 1980's range from 250 tons distributed each year (Roberto
<br>Suro and Walter Pincus, "The CIA and Crack, Evidence is lacking of
<br>Alleged Plot," Washington Post, October 4, 1996, p. A l, rebutting
the
<br>San Jose Mercury News, article "Dark Alliance" to 300 tons per year,
<br>"Unwinnable War," U.S. News and World Report, Nov. 4, 1996, Vol 121,
No.
<br>18, p. 40). Those 250 to 300 ton a year estimates indicate that the
<br>White House/NSC cocaine enterprise by Bush and North constituted the
<br>majority of the cocaine distributed in the United States in the 1980's
<br>and they controlled the cocaine market prices by controlling the
largest
<br>supply system. My friend William alone delivered 200 tons of cocaine
for
<br>the White House, and there were others like him.
<br>Even independent smugglers or distributors were effected by the market
<br>force of the Executive Department's monopolistic cocaine enterprise.
<br>However, the Executive Department enterprise had an advantage. The
<br>Executive Department eliminated market place competition by arrests,
<br>seizures of the cocaine, and confiscation of assets, thus ensuring
the
<br>profitable sale of more than 500 hundred tons of its own cocaine to
<br>finance covert operations and the Contra War.
<br>The Los Angeles Times reported that the final report of the Iran -
<br>Contra prosecutors was sealed. It concluded that President Reagan's
top
<br>Cabinet officers engaged in a cover-up, plotting to make Oliver North
<br>and two national security advisors "scapegoats whose sacrifice would
<br>protect" the administration.
<br>"The report lays substantial blame for the cover-up on former Atty.
Gen.
<br>Edwin Meese III, alleging that he concoctcd "a false account" of a
<br>November 1985
<br> arms-for-hostages deal with Iran to protect Reagan in the
scandal's
<br>early days."
<br>"The President's most senior advisors and the Cabinet members on the
<br>National Security Counsel participated in the strategy to make
National
<br>Security Advisor members [Robert C.] McFarlane, [John M.] Poindexter
and
<br>North the scapegoats whose sacrifice would protect the Reagan
<br>Administration in its final two years."
<br>The article quotes the report as saying:
<br>"Cabinet members on the National Security Counsel were Meese, Defense
<br>Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger, Secretary George P. Schultz and CIA
<br>Director William J. Casey, who died in 1987.
<br>(Los Angeles Times, Associated Press, "Iran-Contra Report Describes
<br>Cover-Up by Top Reagan Aides, October 16, 1993, p. A 16). This means
the
<br>public was lied to, continually.
<br>Currently, thousands of prisoners in the United States are serving
long
<br>prison sentences because they were selling small portions of the
<br>hundreds of tons of NSC/CIA transported. cocaine. Under Agency law,
<br>President Reagan and later Bush are principles and directly
responsible
<br>for North's enterprise to import and distribute 600 to 1,000 tons of
<br>cheap cocaine through the established Colombian distribution networks.
<br>Thousands of American prisoners unwittingly became co-conspirators
of
<br>the Reagan and Bush White House cocaine enterprise by distributing
<br>cocaine received on credit from the Executive Department in cities
and
<br>towns across the United States. The most devastated areas were the
inner
<br>city black communities.
<br>It Is Time To Heal The Wounds
<br>The Drug War, fueled by self-serving political rhetoric of fear and
<br>propaganda about crime would appear as nothing more than a fraud or
<br>manipulation of the taxpayers to insure votes for the tough
politicians,
<br>and jobs for the drug warriors. The supplying of drugs to Americans
by
<br>the government through the Office of the Chief Executive is a betrayal
<br>of trust. Some may call it treason, or simply ambitious political
fraud.
<br>Either way, a million persons a year are arrested and branded for life
<br>because of the drug laws, and nearly a million persons are in prison
<br>because of the drug prohibition laws. Thousands of prisoners are
<br>incarcerated not knowing that they were the distribution agents and
<br>co-conspirators of the Executive Department by selling its cocaine
<br>across the nation to finance the White House covert actions. All of
the
<br>taxpayers were fooled when their tax dollars bought drugs and prison
<br>cells.
<br>Under the law of Agency, Presidents Reagan and Bush are directly
<br>responsible for the distribution of each gram of cocaine from the 500
<br>ton contract. Thousands of defendants had an "agency" defense that
<br>permits the "agent" the same defense and immunity as the "principal,"
in
<br>this case, the National Security Immunity of Reagan, Bush, and North.
<br>Thousands of criminal defendants and prisoners would not realize the
<br>prosecution and the Executive Department had a conflict of interest
in
<br>each drug prohibition case since the Executive Department profited
from
<br>the sale of the same cocaine. In the final analysis, there is no
<br>integrity in the Drug War. It is a sham. Prohibition laws protect
<br>corrupt government officials, create a vast black market, cause the
<br>highest rates of crime and incarceration in the world, and serve only
to
<br>create jobs at the cost of civil liberties and constitutional rights.
<br>The question is, when will the taxpayers "just say no" to drug laws
and
<br>to the politicians who spout that "tough law" rhetoric.
<p>--
<br>Daniel Hopsicker
<br>The Drug Money Times
<br>"All the news that's ripped from print!"
<br><a href="http://www.MadCowProd.com";>http://www.MadCowProd.com</a>
<p>"Scandal in contemporary U.S. life is an
<br>institutionalized sociological phenomenon.
<br>It is not due primarily to psychopathological
<br>variables, but is due to the institutionalization
<br>of elite wrongdoing which has occcurred since 1963."
<p>"Many of the scandals that have occurred in the U.S.
<br>since 1963 are fundamentally interrelated: that is,
<br>the same people and institutions have been involved."
<br> --Prof.David Simon, "Elite
Deviance" 5th ed.
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<p>Mike Ruppert wrote:
<blockquote TYPE=CITE> <tt>Well, there's new info here. But I need
to clarify a couple of points.</tt>
<p><tt>First, if Hartwell's sticking with Stew Webb then she's not welcome
in</tt>
<br><tt>my book. Webb's just plain crazy and irresponsible. That's a shame
for</tt>
<br><tt>her. Webb needs a straightjacket.</tt>
<p><tt>Levine did not "out" Martin. You got that story wrong. I was in
the</tt>
<br><tt>middle of it behind the scenes. Al Martin is for real for the most
part.</tt>
<br><tt>He's just a very sloppy writer who tends to go over into</tt>
<br><tt>non-journalistic essays and get a little sensational to boost his
sales.</tt>
<br><tt>I have checked him out. After reading the first run of his book
I found</tt>
<br><tt>a slew of utterly horrible typos, inaccuracies and inexcusably
incorrect</tt>
<br><tt>data which Uri Dowbenko - as the editor - let slip by and never
bothered</tt>
<br><tt>to check. To his credit Martin both acknowledged and corrected
all the</tt>
<br><tt>errors in a second printing. That is ethical behavior.</tt>
<p><tt>Levine didn't "out" anyone. I was talking with his Producer,
Kristina</tt>
<br><tt>Borjesson just days after the show aired. I have actually listened
to</tt>
<br><tt>the whole show. Levine acted the way he did because he hadn't
actually</tt>
<br><tt>read the book yet. [I have a review of Martin's in either the
current
or</tt>
<br><tt>next High Times].</tt>
<p><tt>Martin's not disinfo. He has a good grasp of some of the financial
inner</tt>
<br><tt>workings. As a journalist I can't hang my hat on his credibility
because</tt>
<br><tt>of the way he writes. But it's not fair to say he's disinfo. He
has an</tt>
<br><tt>agenda, which is to get the crooked money he "earned" from the
crooked</tt>
<br><tt>guys when they were doing crooked things that he says they owe
him.</tt>
<p><tt>I hope these accurate facts help everyone make better
judgments.</tt>
<p><tt>Mike Ruppert</tt>
<p><tt>-----Original Message-----</tt>
<br><tt>From: Ranger Rick [<a
href="mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]";>mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]</a>]</tt>
<br><tt>Sent: Monday, January 07, 2002 2:44 PM</tt>
<br><tt>To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]</tt>
<br><tt>Subject: RE: [CIA-DRUGS] IS RANGER RICK THE REAL PERP?</tt>
<p><tt>Hi Mike,</tt>
<p><tt>FYI: Per my most recent tcw Hartwell, she still has 'soft spot'
for</tt>
<br><tt>Teddy</tt>
<br><tt>boy she can't shake, and although she'll most likely now deny
it</tt>
<br><tt>vehemently - I stand by that statement. I realize however
it's her word</tt>
<br><tt>against mine.</tt>
<p><tt>The fact that she sticks by and with Stew Webb and talks to
him</tt>
<br><tt>regularly</tt>
<br><tt>- a man who you say needs shrink (and I strongly agree) - should
make</tt>
<br><tt>you</tt>
<br><tt>either retract statement about Stew, or rethink Bab's veracity
in</tt>
<br><tt>knowing</tt>
<br><tt>she choses to stick with friends, associates and partners like
Webb.</tt>
<br><tt>Stew</tt>
<br><tt>has lost it. Uri Dowbenko sent me one of his rants
threatening
to sue</tt>
<br><tt>him</tt>
<br><tt>and 'take him out'. Babs is another one for threatening to
fry people's</tt>
<br><tt>brains from afar and 'take them out'. So, why hasn't she
cooked</tt>
<br><tt>Singlaub</tt>
<br><tt>by now? Maybe because she really can't.</tt>
<p><tt>Babs has perpetually cried "help me I'm broke" for years.
I sent her a</tt>
<br><tt>$50.00 phone card. I was on the verge of mailing her $200,
and I'm not</tt>
<br><tt>rich. I've only recently run up several more $100's of
dollars
of phone</tt>
<br><tt>bills trying to 'help' her out (a total waste of time by the way,
and</tt>
<br><tt>I'm</tt>
<br><tt>not the first one who's tried - the floor's littered with the
bodies
of</tt>
<br><tt>well meaning idiots who got taken in by this woman before me -
she has</tt>
<br><tt>admitted as much). At any rate, I would dare say Mike, I
probably have</tt>
<br><tt>a</tt>
<br><tt>more current 'take' on where she is or ain't than you do, not to
mention</tt>
<br><tt>more contact.</tt>
<p><tt>Mike Sweeney, someone who's experience in the MC stuff
certainly</tt>
<br><tt>surpasses</tt>
<br><tt>I think ALL of ours combined, including yours, warned me about
these</tt>
<br><tt>types</tt>
<br><tt>coming out of nowhere to glom on and do their stuff, and I should
have</tt>
<br><tt>listened more closely - SHE by the way, contacted me out of the
blue,</tt>
<br><tt>not</tt>
<br><tt>the other way around.</tt>
<p><tt>I live by sword, die by sword Mike - obviously - and note I'm one
of few</tt>
<br><tt>people willing to fess up to errors and admit when I've been wrong
-</tt>
<br><tt>like</tt>
<br><tt>saying Al Martin was 'real' for instance - while others play the
cover</tt>
<br><tt>their ass game till hell freezes over.</tt>
<p><tt>Meanwhile, I've gotten a ton of e-mails from people commending me
for</tt>
<br><tt>calling a lot of "big named whistleblowers" on the carpet
lately,</tt>
<br><tt>because</tt>
<br><tt>they've seen through them too. Babs included.
The little guys out</tt>
<br><tt>there</tt>
<br><tt>have had it with the 'prepackaged whistleblowing patriots' I
think.</tt>
<br><tt>Thank</tt>
<br><tt>God.</tt>
<p><tt>As for Steve? Hey, I said my peice and ain't changin' my tune
there.</tt>
<br><tt>Beg</tt>
<br><tt>to differ with you on Levine as well. To his credit, he saw
through Al</tt>
<br><tt>Martin before I did and a lot of people. I've had tons of
law</tt>
<br><tt>enf./intel</tt>
<br><tt>people come foward and say "Thanks for outing Martin for the
disinfo</tt>
<br><tt>perp</tt>
<br><tt>we've known him to be all along". Martin's legend?
A wee bit too good</tt>
<br><tt>to</tt>
<br><tt>be true there, folks, and when Navy crypto people call me and say
they</tt>
<br><tt>never heard of the guy in THEIR tiny little world, and he's just
too</tt>
<br><tt>'packaged' to be real, well, we rest the case.</tt>
<p><tt>Me, take a deep breath? Sure, Mike....Meanwhile, some bites
from humble</tt>
<br><tt>pie, Mike, in a daily dose, would do a LOT of "intel and law
enforcement</tt>
<br><tt>insiders" out there some good.</tt>
<p><tt>Neither you or myself or anyone will ever be allowed to know
the</tt>
<br><tt>complete</tt>
<br><tt>truth about all this crap - the moment we do, we'll be dead.
You know</tt>
<br><tt>that as well as I do.</tt>
<br>
<p><tt>"RR"</tt>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<p><tt>--- Mike Ruppert <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:</tt>
<br><tt>> I have to agree with this. Though I am not deeply involved
with</tt>
<br><tt>Barbara</tt>
<br><tt>> I did speak several times with her about 18 months-two years
ago and</tt>
<br><tt>she</tt>
<br><tt>> was vocal then that she had been burned by Gunderson and would
have</tt>
<br><tt>> nothing to do with him. That was at a time when she took my
part</tt>
<br><tt>against</tt>
<br><tt>> one of my least favorite people, Mike Levine, who was the
slandering</tt>
<br><tt>me</tt>
<br><tt>> by writing others (including Hartwell) that I had never
worked</tt>
<br><tt>> narcotics. The threat of a lawsuit shut Levine up pronto.</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> I avoid mind control issues like the plague. They turn into
quicksand</tt>
<br><tt>> and a bottomless pit of unsubstantiated personal allegations
and</tt>
<br><tt>> emotion-laden pleas for help clothed often in
quasi-rational</tt>
<br><tt>> communications. Hartwell never struck me as a nut case and I
have</tt>
<br><tt>never</tt>
<br><tt>> studied her material. Actually, she seemed a bit more coherent
than</tt>
<br><tt>> most. But I think she's been lumped unfairly here with others.
All of</tt>
<br><tt>us</tt>
<br><tt>> have been burned by people we thought were friends at one
point.</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> Stew Webb needs a shrink. That's all I can say about him.</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> But casting Hartwell as a Gunderson groupie is just flat-ass
wrong.</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> And Steve, Phoenix 420, is still a good guy. If that is you
Brenda
you</tt>
<br><tt>> need to take a deep breath and settle down.</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> Mike Ruppert</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> -----Original Message-----</tt>
<br><tt>> From: phoenix420 [<a
href="mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]";>mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]</a>]</tt>
<br><tt>> Sent: Monday, January 07, 2002 1:50 PM</tt>
<br><tt>> To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]</tt>
<br><tt>> Subject: Re: [CIA-DRUGS] IS RANGER RICK THE REAL PERP?</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> Dear Brenda,</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> I haven't been picking on anyone, least of all Brian. More
diversions.</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> I did ask you for evidence after you posted your accusations
against</tt>
<br><tt>> Barbara Hartwell, and not a shred of evidence has been
forthcoming.</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> Now you have chosen all manner of insults which do not relect
well</tt>
<br><tt>upon</tt>
<br><tt>> your own character.</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> Needless to say, I do not desire any further communication with
you,</tt>
<br><tt>nor</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> will I ever take anything you post seriously.</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> And yes, I did speak to Hartwell today about you, and the
conversation</tt>
<p><tt>> was very revealing. And according to her, she has not been in
contact</tt>
<br><tt>> with Gunderson for years, despite whatever you may say.</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> heheheh, yourself</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> p420</tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> Since he's begun</tt>
<br><tt>> >picking on Brian and myself, I note he's now selecting posts
that</tt>
<br><tt>come</tt>
<br><tt>> >closest to pegging the truth about some very touchy topics,
such as</tt>
<br><tt>MC</tt>
<br><tt>> and</tt>
<br><tt>> >some of the disinfo perps the CIA has floating out here in
cyberland</tt>
<br><tt>to</tt>
<br><tt>> >disuade and divert us from our work. Well, ya know, guys,
I have a</tt>
<br><tt>> >theory. Its when ya try to deal with someone and then
they turn</tt>
<br><tt>around</tt>
<br><tt>> >and just do this, it's time to take off the gloves and let them
hang</tt>
<br><tt>> >themselves and call them for what they are. I'll
personally
be</tt>
<br><tt>> ignoring</tt>
<br><tt>> >the rest of this guys' crap since I now see what he's up to
- and why</tt>
<br><tt>> >bother with ANYONE who refuses to even try a Daffy Duck
impersonation</tt>
<br><tt>> >anyhow, right?</tt>
<br><tt>> ></tt>
<br><tt>> >;~) Heh heh heh..... "Ranger Rick"</tt>
<br><tt>> >www.thefifthhorseman.net</tt>
<br><tt>> ></tt>
<br><tt>> ></tt>
<br><tt>> >Subject: Re: [CIA-DRUGS] SOMETHING IS ROTTEN</tt>
<br><tt>> >Date: Mon, 7 Jan 2002 16:10:07 -0500</tt>
<br><tt>> >From: "phoenix420" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> | Block
Address
| Add</tt>
<br><tt>to</tt>
<br><tt>> >Address Book</tt>
<br><tt>> >To: "Ranger Rick" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]></tt>
<br><tt>> ></tt>
<br><tt>></tt>
<br><tt>> >There's still no "evidence" here.</tt>
<br><tt>> ></tt>
<br><tt>> ></tt>
<br><tt>> >She's not "clinging" to Gunderson, she broke off all contact
with him</tt>
<p><tt>> >years ago.</tt>
<br><tt>> ></tt>
<br><tt>> >WANNA BET? AGAIN, SUGGEST YOU DO AS I SUGGESTED - TALK
TO HER YOUR</tt>
<br><tt>> >FRICKIN' SELF.</tt>
<br><tt>> ></tt>
<br><tt>> >She's not connected to Al Martin in any way, other than they
both</tt>
<br><tt>post</tt>
<br><tt>> to</tt>
<br><tt>> >the same website.</tt></blockquote>
</blockquote>
<p><br>
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