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http://www.salon.com/books/int/2002/01/17/hamm/print.html

America's homegrown terrorists
An expert on right-wing hate groups talks about the
tortured emotional roots of their rage, their response to
Sept. 11 and their role in the Oklahoma City bombing.

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By Suzy Hansen

Jan. 17, 2002 | The state of Oklahoma will have to wait a
little longer before prosecuting Terry Nichols for his role
in the murder of 160 civilians in the Oklahoma City
bombing; his attorneys' appeal for more legal fees from the
state have delayed the trial. (Nichols, already serving a
separate life sentence in connection with the deaths of
eight federal agents in the tragedy, was found guilty four
years ago of conspiring to bomb the Alfred P. Murrah
Federal Building with Timothy McVeigh.) And while
Oklahomans surely are anxious to bring Nichols to full
justice, what could turn out to be the most compelling
aspect of Nichols' trial is whether his lawyers will
introduce new evidence about what happened on April 19,
1995. Remember those mysteriously missing thousands of
pages of FBI documents on McVeigh? Some suspect that those
documents hold the answer to an often-speculated
possibility: Were more people than McVeigh and Nichols
involved in this domestic terrorist attack?

With "In Bad Company: America's Terrorist Underground,"
Mark S. Hamm builds a convincing case for the widely held
theory that McVeigh couldn't have pulled off the bombing
alone. Hamm's investigation points to the Aryan Republican
Army, a small group of disaffected right-wing white men who
went on a Midwestern bank robbery spree in the early 1990s
and who, like McVeigh, were outraged by the FBI's ambushes
at Ruby Ridge and Waco. In the book, Hamm, a professor of
criminology at Indiana State University, also profiles
these men, shading in the violent years that might have led
them to Oklahoma City. According to Hamm, one of these men
might be the shadowy John Doe No. 2.

I couldn't sleep after reading Hamm's book, mostly for two
reasons. First, Hamm tells a good, scary story. Second,
attempting to understand these characters is chillingly
frustrating: Even with all Hamm's research on and
experience with the terrorist mind, it still seems as if
there's something about his subjects that's impossible to
understand, and therefore impossible to challenge.

Hamm spoke to Salon from his home in Bloomington, Ind.,
about what makes a terrorist, why Americans can't
understand them and whether the FBI is equipped to take
them down.

Was it disturbing to talk to these people?

Not really. I spent 13 years working in prisons so I've
been around inmates and violent men. And I've been studying
and interviewing skinheads for a good 10 years. But I will
say that I've never met anyone so violent and extreme as
Pete Langan [the head of the Aryan Republican Army]. From
what I know about [Richard "Wild Bill"] Guthrie [another
ARA member] -- and I never interviewed him -- he's the same
way. These people were way off the radar chart.

Was it the language he was using or something in his
demeanor?

At certain points, and on certain issues, he would
definitely exhibit an unresolved rage. On other things he
was quite easy to talk to. But you can tell from talking to
him that he has some real underlying problems surrounding
his gender identification crisis and his conflict with
authority. When you get into the business of justice -- in
his terms -- that's where the real rage comes from.

What makes a terrorist?

There are two things that go on. Somewhere in the
background of many of these men, and certainly all of the
men who were involved in the Aryan Republican Army, there's
an incident that has led to profound shame or humiliation.
In Langan's case, it was the prison rapes. That was a
turning point. One way that they rise above that shame,
which often has to do with an assault on their masculinity,
is through militarized masculinity. They go overboard to
compensate for that shame.

It seems as if many of them had some experience with the
military, either personally or through their families.

Certainly the leadership of the ARA did. The younger
skinheads were too dysfunctional to make it into the
military to begin with. But certainly the leadership --
Langan, Guthrie, McVeigh -- all had experiences with the
military that had a significant impact on their lives and
on their extremist beliefs.

Some of them failed to make the cut.

Particularly Guthrie. Guthrie's and McVeigh's biographies
are very similar in that respect. Guthrie had one goal in
his early life and that was to make it into the Navy SEALs.
He failed because he couldn't meet physical requirements.
The same thing happened to McVeigh; he washed out of the
Green Berets. After that Guthrie developed an agenda
against the government, and the same can be said of
McVeigh.

You say that had Waco and Ruby Ridge never happened,
Oklahoma City would never have happened. Do you really
think so? Wouldn't they have found something else to be
angry about?

If Waco and Ruby Ridge never happened, then there never
would have been a citizen militia movement in this country,
and without the militia/patriot movement in this country,
the ARA and these extreme anti-government groups would have
never had a cause. It is unlikely that they would have ever
met each other. It is unlikely that they would have engaged
in crime together. McVeigh's attorney said that if there
had been no Waco, there would have been no bombing of
Oklahoma City. That's from his interviews with McVeigh.

That might have been McVeigh's way of justifying it. But
don't you think he would have found something else?

All terrorism begins with a grievance. If you start with
that premise, then you have to look at the period we're
talking about here -- early '90s to mid-'90s. If there
wasn't Waco and Ruby Ridge, what else did we have that
could have provided these men with a grievance? The only
answer that you come up with is the Brady Law. But that
wasn't toxic enough to create this revenge against the
government. I must say that I don't think these men would
have robbed banks and funded bombings without something
dramatic.

The other thing you talk about is that they were alienated
from American culture. How much do you think that plays
into it? We hear about that with the Islamic world, that
this disgust with American culture serves as a foundation
for their hatred of America. Do you really think that
American culture has this effect on domestic terrorists?

Oh, of course. These men were creatures of subculture. From
an early age, they began to turn their back on mainstream
culture, especially institutions. None of them went to
college. The only institution they had any faith in was the
military. When they got out of the military, they became
adrift and alienated. Out there emerged this incredible
anti-government movement with its own subculture: its own
music, its own propaganda, its own books, its own videos.
They became steeped in that subculture, as years before
they had been deeply steeped in the remnants of the flower
power subculture. The question I always wondered about was:
If an alternative subculture that was more left-leaning had
risen in one unified voice to speak out against Waco and
Ruby Ridge, would it have attracted the likes of Langan,
Guthrie and McVeigh? But the only game in town to protest
this was the right.

You talk about these men's interest in music quite a bit.
How much did hardcore metal like Judas Priest and Black
Sabbath, as well as British white power bands like
Skrewdriver and Brutal Attack, attract people to the
extremist right?

Without it there would have been no Aryan Republican Army.
The young kids -- Scott Stedeford, Kevin McCarthy, Michael
Brescia -- were first and foremost musicians in the
Philadelphia area. It was through the music that they
became involved in the white power movement.

When you talked to them would they name things in American
culture that they felt alienated them?

Each one of them had -- and this holds true for all the
extremists that I've studied -- something that served as
the straw that broke the camel's back. There were numerous
failures and disappointments and then along came that one
thing that causes them to cross the line and now they're in
this netherworld of neo-Nazism. They're picking up guns and
robbing banks.

Take McVeigh, for example. Can you trace how this one major
disappointment led to extremism?

It was not making the cut for the Green Berets. Had he made
it, we might not have seen him return home to poverty and
dead-end jobs. That's when he becomes involved in
conspiracy theories and gun shows and meets these other
extremists. I believe that, for him, was the turning point.


The other thing is that if you look back, all of these men
have real tragedy in their childhood. Deaths of mothers and
fathers and abandonment. These issues leave a scar on them
that they carry through life. It becomes such a burden that
at some point, they break. But again, they break in the
company of others. They don't break alone. We find very few
in this movement who were lone wolves. They're doing things
in a collective.

So when you watched McVeigh and people said he was simply
sick and depraved, would you disagree?

There's an explanation for everything. People don't come
into this world full of hatred. People don't come into this
world with the capacity to commit murder and mayhem against
innocent people. They have to be taught that. They're
taught that in a group with others; they become politicized
through this group process.

With regard to McVeigh, I never from Day 1 thought he was
crazy or somehow mentally unbalanced. His school
performance was remarkable. McVeigh went all the way
through junior high and high school and never missed a day.
He was not only bonded to conventional norms, he was
hyperactive in his bonding. Langan and Guthrie were
excellent students as young boys. Langan had a great
education; at 9 years old, he spoke three languages
fluently. People who knew Guthrie said he was nearly a
genius in science and history. He spoke several languages.
Stedeford was the consummate artist. He had something of a
following among Philadelphia subcultural edgy youth. In all
of these people, in terms of intellectual capacity, I don't
see any pattern of deficiency.

As much as racism and anti-Semitism has to do with their
hate, it seemed like there were so many other things that
motivated them even more. Was that the case? Individually,
how deep was their prejudice?

These men were products of the time. I believe that in the
aftermath of Waco and Ruby Ridge, because those were such
monumental events in the world of the radical right,
anti-government sentiment came to replace racism and
anti-Semitism as the guiding principle of the radical
right. Although they do subscribe to this notion of the
Zionist Occupied Government, their hatred for the
government trumped their racism and anti-Semitism.
Primarily, it's the hatred of the FBI. That's who their war
was against.

How important was religion, particularly Christian
Identity, a theology that, you write, "gives the blessing
of God to the racist cause ... the Identity creed proceeds
from the idea that Jews are the children of Satan, while
white 'Aryans' are the descendents of the Biblical tribes
of ancient Israel and thus are God's chosen people"?

Christian Identity was very important to all of them in the
development of their paramilitary profiles. It wasn't
necessarily the fire of Identity teachings that influenced
them as much as it was the bonding and sense of belonging
that they got there. One of the characters, for example, is
nearly illiterate. He doesn't have the capacity to read the
Bible like most people [in order to] understand religion
and gain some morality from it. In contrast, Identity was
passed on as an oral tradition. So it was the seduction
that they found in these bizarre alternative explanations
of Christianity that became attractive to them. Then they
found a brotherhood among other true believers of this
religion.

They justified arming themselves through the Bible too,
didn't they?

They believed that the founding fathers were the true
Christians and chosen people and when they created the Bill
of Rights and the Constitution -- specifically the Second
Amendment -- that those were somehow divinely inspired.

You make the point that Jesse James, a famous early
American terrorist who was their hero, would never have
murdered children. What made these men different?

James definitely was one of their heroes. They were
students of Jesse James, they patterned their bank
robberies after his and they even used certain techniques
and phrases that James used.

The ARA during these bank robberies prided themselves on
the fact that no one was hurt and no one was shot. On that
level, I believe that they followed in the Jesse James
tradition. When it came to Oklahoma City, it was that
technology could be used; materials could be amassed and
bombs could be constructed and ignited and the perpetrators
could be somewhere else. The quickness with which that act
was done could allow them to separate themselves. No blood
on their shirts. That squares with McVeigh's pattern of
violence dating back to the war against Iraq, the Persian
Gulf War, where he killed his first human being from a
Bradley fighting vehicle a mile away.

Did you ask them about this contradiction after Oklahoma
City?

The thing about McVeigh, quite honestly, is that you cannot
determine when he's telling the truth. Ask any question of
McVeigh and you can go back and see where he told one
journalist one thing and another thing to another. There
was a time when he told his psychiatrist that he did not
know there was a day-care center there until two days
before the bombing. Then he told someone that the windows
of the day care center were blackened so he didn't know
children were there. Always, his motive was to portray
himself as a hero and a historical figure of the
anti-government movement. The only power he had left in his
last years was the mystery about himself.

You criticize the way the media approaches right-wing
extremists. What don't we understand about terrorists and
why is it so hard for us to do so?

Because terrorism has not been something we've had to deal
with for a long time. Consequently, we've turned a blind
eye to it in other countries and to the phenomenon in
general. When it is visited upon us, as it has been so
dramatically since 1995, we don't have the language and
concepts to understand who these people are and why they do
what they do.

Another reason is that when the media or analysts try to
understand terrorism, they almost exclusively rely on court
testimony. Court testimony is designed to serve a legal
aim. It's not necessarily the best material to use for
research purposes. When you do research on burglars, for
example, the best thing to do is to interview burglars. For
some reason, we don't have the tradition of doing the same
with terrorists. And it's so hard to get access to them.
They're locked away and attorneys and judges won't let you
get to them. We've never really come to terms with
terrorists in this country as the Israelis have -- with an
ambitious agenda for understanding political extremists who
commit crimes.

What do the Israelis do?

The Israelis have topologies of suicide bombers and
countless interviews with them. It seems to me that the
research on terrorism that comes out of Israel is not even
in the same realm as what we do in America. The many books
that we produce in this country on the phenomenon of
terrorism are almost exclusively reliant on secondary
sources.

Can we learn from what they've found? What are some of the
universal traits of terrorists -- regardless of what
country they're from?

I believe that first and foremost on that list is that
these people should be thought of for what they are. They
are warriors. The term "criminal" doesn't do justice to
what we're dealing with here. "Extremist" or "white
supremacist" or "Islamist" -- these are all terms that,
while useful for background purposes, don't get us very
far. Even the term "terrorist" doesn't really describe what
they are. First and foremost, they are warriors. They are
combatants and true believers who are willing to die for
their cause.

So you don't think they ever could have been rehabilitated?


Not necessarily. The metaphysics of age take over. These
people burn out, just like a career criminal does. They
slow down and disengage. The same thing can and does happen
with terrorists. The men in this book -- almost every one
of them -- began to forge genuine human relationships and
disengaged from criminal life. One of them had a kid, one
had an authentic relationship, and they put down the rifle.


What do you think they thought of Sept. 11?

I've talked to them about this. They say they can
understand the rage against the government.

They didn't feel at all protective of their country?

No.

Did they feel sad at all?

Emotionally, these guys keep their cards pretty close their
chest. No, I didn't get any of that.

Were they impressed?

I didn't hear any of that, though I did see quite a few
Internet postings from cyber-warriors who talked about
being impressed by it.

What's the difference between those guys and the quieter
ones?

My theory is that there are above-ground activists and
below-ground activists. The above-ground activists always
talk and that's bigger than their bark. It's the
below-ground activists, the Langans, McVeighs and Mohammed
Attas, the people you never hear about, who are the
dangerous ones. You won't hear them spouting off on the
Internet. These are the people building the pipe bomb or
hijacking the plane. Unfortunately, we never know about
them until after the fact.

Where is the movement now?

There are some who want to say that the patriot/militia
movement is in disarray. Certainly, all the figures I've
seen confirm that the numbers have dwindled. The government
hasn't given them another cause. They don't have a burning
grievance on the table.

There's another school of thought that says that the
neo-Nazis are still a force to be reckoned with. You still
have your Eric Rudolphs [responsible for the 1996 Atlanta
Olympics bombings] out there running around -- if he's
still alive. The Internet is one indicator that the
movement is still alive; there are more and more sites and
CDs and publications. The big gun shows still go on.

What's the scariest group right now?

Again we're back to the issue of above- and below-ground
activists. Just because we know about a group isn't exactly
helpful when it comes to terrorism. For example, we didn't
know about the ARA until after they were arrested.

The FBI knew about the Bank Bandits, but they didn't know
that they were part of the ARA.

Right.

Do you believe that they were robbing the banks to fund the
Oklahoma City bombing?

The measure of a good theory is not that it accounts for
all of the relevant facts but that it accounts for those
facts better than any other theory. And I believe that the
theory that the ARA was involved in funding or implementing
the plan to bomb the Murrah Federal Building is a theory
that accounts for the facts better than the government's
lone wolf theory.

Was it easier for the government to pin this on McVeigh and
Nichols?

The government didn't know who was in the ARA and wasn't
aware of all of their criminal activities until sometime
around the spring of 1997. By this time, federal
prosecutors had already built the case against McVeigh and
Nichols. Some say that introducing these other accomplices
into the bombing would have diminished the culpability and
responsibility of McVeigh. The second problem is that you
now have to bring these other guys into court and try them
so now you've made it five to six times harder than if you
simply go after one individual.

One of the reasons I wrote this book is because I can't
forget the Time/CNN poll of 1997 that shows that 70 percent
of the American people believe that there were others
responsible for the bombing. That is a sentiment I found in
my lectures and consulting with other groups and talking to
survivors of Oklahoma City and talking to the students I
teach. There are too many unanswered questions.

Then we get to the final year of McVeigh's life and the
revelation comes out that he couldn't pass a polygraph test
when asked whether there were others involved. He passed on
every other question.

And Langan said?

Langan will say whatever benefits his case at that point in
time. He's very circumspect about what he does say. He will
say that he has information about the bombing conspiracy
and he will indicate that Guthrie knew McVeigh and Guthrie
robbed the gun dealer Roger Moore and the proceeds from
that robbery were used to build the bomb. He will indicate
that Nichols was elsewhere on April 19 but there were
others from the ARA who were in fact in Oklahoma City.

So the FBI is no longer investigating whether there are
more people involved?

That's correct, but we still have the State of Oklahoma vs.
Terry Nichols. There you have an opportunity to bring in
other evidence.

The second thing is: Remember all the mysterious documents
about Timothy McVeigh that went missing preceding his
execution? Those still have not been released. News
organizations have filed Freedom of Information requests
and they have not been responded to yet. There have been
hints that those documents did identify accomplices seen
with McVeigh in the days leading up to April 19.

The person who holds the key to this is Langan, I believe.
Because there were deals negotiated between the FBI and
Langan's attorney concerning information Langan may have
had about accomplices in the Oklahoma City bombing. Those
were not followed up on.

Do you feel confident that the FBI is better equipped now
to deal with terrorism?

In the years after Oklahoma City, their response to crisis
situations was well informed by the mistakes they made. For
example, in the Jordan, Mont., siege of 1996, no shots were
fired. The FBI waited with endless patience, they brought
in third-party negotiators. They used none of the coercion
they used with Randy Weaver or David Koresh.

So you're saying that the FBI has to take special care when
dealing with them?

Waco and Ruby Ridge were wake-up calls to federal
enforcement agencies. I've spoken quite a bit to these
groups and what I find is that many times they don't know
the history of the radical right. They don't know how the
radical right got so angry in the first place. Many agents
haven't read about these groups. It seems like the FBI has
come a long way but that they also have a long way to go.


- - - - - - - - - - - -

About the writer
Suzy Hansen is an assistant editor at Salon




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