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WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe
Europe reacts nervously to Bush�s State of the Union speech
By Peter Schwarz
1 February 2002
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Much of the initial reaction in the European press to US President
George W. Bush�s State of the Union speech varies between ironical
commentary and more open, although generally restrained, criticism.
While direct attacks on Bush are rare, most commentaries acknowledge
that influential political circles in Europe are deeply disturbed by
the unilateral course made clear in his January 29 speech.
Under the headline �War as the father of all things,� the S�ddeutsche
Zeitung deals with the impending visit to Washington of German
Chancellor Gerhard Schr�der. �Poor Gerhard Schr�der,� the commentator
remarks, �It will
not be easy to be the first European sourpuss to appear before the throne of the
freshly anointed American Caesar. George Bush has just revelled in the homage awarded
him by Congress, and sunned himself in the high public
ratings of the opinion polls�and now comes the German chancellor to recall grimy
everyday matters: conflicts over steel, Russian debts, the status of prisoners. Oh,
these burdensome Europeans.�
Otherwise, the newspaper is of the opinion that Bush�s latest martial appearance is
largely in response to domestic problems: �The president needs this war to push ahead
with his domestic agenda, which has been postponed
somewhat by the attacks of September 11, but has not gone away. Bush needs this war as
justification for his budget deficit, which he is bestowing upon the country for the
first time in years. Bush needs this war as justi
fication for the recession, as well as his answer to the struggle against the economic
crisis. And Bush needs this war and the popularity it has brought him all the more
urgently because congressional elections are due th
is year.... The president needs powerful images to prevent any dimming of
recollections of the attacks that took place in September.�
The French newspaper Lib�ration sees things in a similar manner and quotes an American
sociologist to underline the point. �For Glynn Wood, professor of politics at the
Monterey Institute of International Studies (Califor
nia), the alarmism expressed by Bush has basically the aim of dispelling thoughts of
domestic concerns: the Enron scandal, the recession, the budget situation... �In the
political history of America it is a classical way
of reacting�by constructing potential threat scenarios in order to divert attention
from domestic problems,� he asserted.�
The French newspaper Le Monde emphasises the dangers arising from the warlike posture
of Bush. With barely disguised sarcasm, an editorial in the paper begins: �The US
finds itself still at war.... It was the speech of a
man who claims he must prepare his country for a test equivalent to the struggle
against communism during the Cold War.�
The newspaper stresses that the struggle against terrorism is a political task and
goes on to ask: �Is the struggle against terrorism a task for the Pentagon budget, or
collaboration between police and politicians?� Is it
a question of purely �military factors?� Finally the paper warns that Bush�s attack
on North Korea, Iraq and Iran can unleash conflicts with China and Russia: �It is
sufficient to point out that China and Russia are the
most important exporters of weapons to Iraq, Iran and North Korea.�
The British Financial Times issues an even clearer warning against the break-up of the
fragile alliances struck in the course of the war against Afghanistan. In an editorial
comment headlined �Tough talk,� the newspaper s
tates: �Yet it is essential that the US president and commander-in-chief should not
abandon the moderation and careful diplomacy that have enabled the US-led campaign to
unite such a broad international coalition behind i
t. There is a danger that his ringing rhetoric about defeating an �axis of evil� will
divide the alliance, rather than seal a common purpose.�
Regarding Bush�s threats against Iran, Iraq and North Korea, the newspaper comments:
�Global terrorism and rogue states are very different targets. They all require
different treatment. North Korea and Iran do not belong
in the same breath as Iraq. To lump them together is simplistic and will alienate new
allies in Asia, Europe and the Middle East.� The editorial ends with the words: �Mr
Bush�s first year in office has left him hugely pop
ular. But that should not be a signal to abandon moderation.�
The German Frankfurter Rundschau notes with concern that Bush demonstrates a
�Reaganite sense of mission� and a turn away from his European allies. �Contrary to
his speech of September 20, this time the president only mad
e casual reference to the allies. At that time the British prime minister, Tony Blair,
was sitting in the gallery; this time it was the Afghani interim president, Hamid
Karsai, a man who needs more help from Washington th
an he can give.� The task of Europeans, according to the newspaper, is to exert a
�moderating influence� on the US.
Hardly any comments on Bush�s address were available from European centres of
government. Following expressions of hope by European leaders that the Americans would
adopt a cooperative and moderate course, one has the imp
ression that they now need some time to recover from the shock of this latest speech.
Diplomatic relations have been visibly stretched in recent days. At the start of the
week, European Union foreign ministers distanced themselves from American policy in
the Middle East in an almost unprecedented manner. A
t the same time that Bush demonstratively invited Israeli Premier Ariel Sharon to
Washington and attacked Palestinian President Yasser Arafat, EU foreign ministers
attacked Sharon and warned against any attempt to isolate
Arafat.
These tensions herald increasingly harsh conflicts between the US and Europe, which,
in the longer term, cannot and will not passively tolerate the high-handed attitude of
Washington.
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