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The American Way Redux,
Novus Ordo Seculorum Resumed -- Gasp!
By John G. Lankford 02.02.02

Former Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole recognized it. Talk show host
Larry King grasped it. Solicitor General Ted Olson nailed it.

But because it was positioned in the second half of the fourth
quarter of President George W. Bush's Tuesday, Jan. 28 State of the
Union address , and for other reasons, most people probably
experienced a somewhat uneasy "What was that all about?" feeling or
missed it entirely.

The peroration of that section of the speech was this:

"We have a a greater objective than eliminating threats and
containing resentment. We seek a just and peaceful world beyond the
war on terror."

Had the passage summarized there been presented as the major theme of a major foreign 
policy speech, announced as a thundering manifesto, it would have been called a 
'doctrine", as were the Monroe Doctrine, the Soviet Bre
zhnev Doctrine, and a number of others. As usual, this site's readers and writers have 
anticipated it, some with dread and some with exuberance, and will be among the 
cognoscenti alert for just such a speech, or at least
a distinct policy direction, in the future.

One name for it is the American Way, that principle Superman liked. The more venerable 
one is Novus Ordo Seculorum, a motto of the founders of the United States of America 
that translates approximately as "a new ordering
of earthly affairs." It is what some people mean when they say "new world order" and 
the opposite of what others mean by the very same phrase.

As a people, we once believed in it implicitly. Then, during the Vietnam era, we 
questioned and denied it. In the intervening thirty-plus years, we largely ceased to 
comprehend it, and accordingly came to fear it whenever
 it any allusion to it did occur.

That is not surprising, because, while grippingly bold, it is at the same time a 
restrained, qualified, even somewhat ambivalent doctrine, one that not only does but 
must coexist with its opposite, absolute isolationism.
In that, it is comparable to the Golden Mean described by the philosopher Aristotle. 
And, like any great principle, it has frequently been kidnapped by narrow-minded, 
shortsighted zealots and loons.

The fact that it has been and can be so abused is what causes even those of us who 
generally comprehend its scope to gasp when someone proclaims it. But to gasp is not 
to cower, any more than to feel great fear in combat
is to run screaming for a hidey- hole far from the front. That has to be borne in 
mind, because this novus ordo is not only powerful and hazardous, but humanly 
inevitable -- as this nation's founders recognized.

First, they recognized the old order of affairs for what it was: one of thievery, 
thuggery, and perpetual warfare. The ruling classes of their era were warriors and the 
offspring of warriors, the nobility, advancing their
 fortunes by pillaging, rapine and intimidation. The business of nations was largely 
warfare.

Second, they realized there had long existed a subordinated and better alternative: in 
a word, commerce. The one thing on which Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson 
agreed was that the newly-ordered United States of Am
erica should be a producing and trading nation, not a conquering and conniving nation.

Jefferson would have had it be heterogeneous, loosely united, and agrarian. Hamilton 
wanted it more uniformly organized and industrial-commercial. But they agreed the new 
nation should trade with all and conspire toward b
elligerent ascendancy with none. George Washington and others signed on, emphasizing 
what can be a contrary theme, isolationism, but recognizing it could furnish a means 
of achieving commercial, though not military, engag
ement with all the other nations.

"The chief business of America is business", said President Calvin Coolidge, making a 
statement much derided by people who did not realize that if it is not so, then the 
chief business of nations is war. Coolidge, not the
y, stood in the aura of the nation's founding principle.

The founders were historically correct. The Phoenicians and then the Carthaginians in 
ancient times proliferated commerce, and, with it, astonishing material progress, 
cultural proliferation, and comparatively lightly-reg
ulated civilization across the Mediterranean in primitive and savage times. The Hansa, 
or Hanseatic League, did much the same during the European Dark Age, setting the stage 
for the Renaissance and also for the first worl
dwide manifestation of globalization, the British Empire (which got its start largely 
by stealing the Hansa's ships and taking over much of its function).

At the end of the nineteenth century, commentators were predicting that commerce and 
trade would soon complete the replacement of warfare as the major theme in 
international relations. Then, as we know, starting in August
, 1914, humankind's stubborn penchant for savagery invited warfare to make a horrible 
comeback, inflicting hundreds of millions of human deaths and indescribable misery.

Total war, limited conventional war, guerrilla war, piracy, terrorism, and general 
criminality are all intolerable to productivity and commerce. In addition to 
disruption and mayhem they inflict, and resources they divert
 to the deployment of armies and the manufacture of engines of destruction, they also 
impose a dead weight of necessity for costly defensive and preventive expenditures. A 
shop owner who has to buy burglar bars, intruder
alarms, and security cameras cannot buy another drill press or lathe. Paying one more 
security guard means paying one less craftsman. Diversion of a great proportion of its 
resources to a nonproductive military establishm
ent wrecked the Soviet economy.

But berserkers, haters, and hooligans do exist. It has always been necessary to 
allocate some resources to fending them off. That is the first step of sustaining 
productivity. The second is to vanquish, slay, imprison or,
 if possible, reform them. The third, clearly seen by Roosevelt, is to proceed beyond 
abatement of mayhem and try to establish an environment in which destroyers do not 
arise, or are subdued and redirected very early in t
heir careers. Accordingly, during the Second world War, Roosevelt led planning for a 
"new world order". After the war, the United States tried to introduce pluralistic 
democracy and free enterprise in erstwhile enemy nati
ons and elsewhere, saying, in effect, "No hitting. You may not conquer the world. You 
are welcome to try to buy it." The rival Communist bloc generally founded its bid for 
primacy on the ancient and primitive expedients o
f force and intimidation, and for that reason as well as the socioeconomic 
unworkability of communism, lost.

By the end of the twentieth century, the triumph of the provident western way, known 
for a while as the American Way though important elements of it were practiced before 
the dawn of recorded history, was so complete that
 some writers proclaimed an end to history, meaning the history of armed conflict, and 
others saw a resumption of pre-World War I concentration on industry and commerce, 
terming the intervening seven or eight decades "the
 short century."

But another rabid coalition of recalcitrants emerged, and the emergence was brought 
home to us September 11. President Bush has correctly seen that it represents a 
movement comparable to the fascistic barbarism that confr
onted Roosevelt (and the intrepid Communist one that produced the Cold War); that 
compromise with it is similarly impossible, and that one side or the other`must 
triumph. In his State of the Union speech and beforehand, B
ush announced a long and relentless campaign to vanquish the foe, and in the Tuesday 
speech, he made the analogy clear by using the term "evil Axis".

But he went further.

"America will lead by defending liberty and justice because they are right and true 
and unchanging for all people everywhere."

No nation owns these aspirations and no nation is exempt from them. We have no 
intention of imposing our culture. But America will always stand firm for the 
nonnegotiable demands of human dignity; the rule of law; limits
on the power of the state; respect for women; private property; free speech; equal 
justice; and religious tolerance.

America will take the side of brave men and women who advocate these values around the 
world, including the Islamic world, because we have a greater objective than 
eliminating threats and containing resentment. We seek a
just and peaceful world beyond the war on terror.(emphasis added)

This sort of language was last heard from President John F. Kennedy, the "go anywhere, 
pay any price" declaration that most believed defined the nation's role and purpose in 
the world before the dismay of Vietnam descende
d on us.

It is emphatically proactive. There can be no doubt that institution of the human 
rights Bush enumerated would dramatically transform Islamic nations, not one of which 
is in any sense democratic.

The connection between those rights and a provident world regime of peaceful 
productivity and commerce is this: pluralistic democracy and economic free enterprise 
are what happens, as has been noted, when nobody hits. Whe
n the freedoms of all are protected from the truncheons of some, consent-based 
interaction as among equals is the only sort of interaction possible. Inconsistent 
cultural traditions cannot be maintained.

Most summary and commentary on Bush's speech concentrates on immediate and topical 
objectives. The longest-term one noted by most is the prosecution of the war on terror 
to final victory. But at the end of his speech, Bus
h revived an even more visionary, positive, and epochal theme that once defined 
America's course, and it is momentous.

And, as Russian premier Vladimir Putin observed, Bush is a man who does what he says.





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