-Caveat Lector-

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From: "PNEWS.ORG" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Tuesday, February 05, 2002 8:06 PM
Subject: [PNEWS] CAPITALISM: Enron behind the War in Afghanistan?


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From: Robert Lederman <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

I've added a few url's from oil industry websites to this forwarded email
as further evidence of Enron's involvement in the motivation for the war
in Afghanistan. Reading this material will allow you to see the Enron
scandal and its ties to Bush-Cheney in a whole new light. To find
thousands of other energy industry website articles on this do a GOOGLE
search http://www.google.com using these keywords:
 Pipeline Enron Uzbekistan Cheney Halliburton

-RL

Enron and the oil pipeline deal
http://www.gasandoil.com/goc/news/ntc85031.htm
"Enron/Uzbek Oil and Gas: Represented a multinational energy company in
connection with its joint venture to develop an oil and gas deposit in
Uzbekistan."

http://www.mbpprojectfinance.com/transactions/s_oilgas.html
http://www.advancenet.net/~k_a/uzbekistan/companies.htm

"The one serious drawback companies have faced is getting the supplies to
the right market, the energy-hungry Asian Pacific economies. Afghanistan
-- the only Central Asian country with very little oil -- is by far the
best route to transport the oil to Asia. Enron, the biggest contributor to
the Bush-Cheney campaign of 2000, conducted the feasibility study for a
US$2.5 billion trans-Caspian gas pipeline which is being built under a
joint venture agreement signed in February 1999 between Turkmenistan,
Bechtel and General Electric Capital Services."

http://www.moles.org/ProjectUnderground/drillbits/6_08/1.html

"UZBEKISTAN - The U.S. Overseas Private Investment Corp. (OPIC) has agreed
to provide $400 million in financing for a joint venture of Uzbekneftegaz
and Enron oil and Gas Co. (Houston) to develop a clutch of gas fields in
Uzbekistan. It is the largest OPIC commitment in Central Asia thus far."

http://www.moles.org/ProjectUnderground/drillbits/0801/96080107.html

Here's an email I received this morning. You may already know about the
oil pipeline deal in Afghanistan and the Bush threats to the Taliban to
invade BEFORE 9/11 but these links show how Enron and the new
Afghan leader we just installed are all directly connected to Bush, to the
so-called war, Cheney refusing to reveal who he met with and the supression
of the 9/11 investigation Bush has threatened Congress with.
--------------------------------------------------

FORWARD: From: The Daily Brew: http://www.thedailybrew.com/

 The Motive

For years, US oil interests have been trying to build a pipeline across
Afghanistan to access the oil and gas around the Caspian Sea; efforts
that have continued past the 9-11 attacks.

 Source
 http://www.wluml.org/english/new-archives/wtc/at-stake/unocal.htm

Enron was a key player in this game. Way back in 1996, Enron had cut a
deal with the president of Uzbekistan for joint development of the
nation's natural gas fields.

 Source
 Houston Chronicle Date: TUE 06/25/96 Section:
 Business Page: 4 Edition: 3 STAR (sorry, no link)

Enron had also done the feasibility study for the pipeline.

 Source
 http://globalresearch.ca/articles/MAD201A.html

For a time, the Taliban appeared to be a potential partner.
They had even visited Sugarland, Texas to talk things over.

 Source

http://news6.thdo.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/west_asia/newsid_37000/37021.stm

 The Crime

Unfortunately, the talks broke down, and by late last summer, the US
Government was threatening to commence war against Afghanistan (an
attack which would have violated every precept of international law).

 Sources

http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/south_asia/newsid_1550000/1550366.stm

*****

(Inserted by Jack)
 BBC Audio of report on US intentions to invade Afghanistan BEFORE Sept
11th

 http://news.bbc.co.uk/olmedia/1550000/audio/_1550366_afghan01_arney.ram
*****

At least twice, Bush conveyed the message to the Taliban that the United
States would hold the regime responsible for an al Qaeda attack. But
after concluding that bin Laden's group had carried out the October 2000
attack on the USS Cole, a conclusion stated without hedge in a Feb. 9
briefing for Vice President Cheney, the new administration did not
choose to order armed forces into action.

 Source
 http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A8734-2002Jan19.html

Simultaneous with making, but not following through on these threats,
Bush took a number of actions to make the US decidedly more vulnerable
to a terrorist attack. He ordered the Naval strike force, which Clinton
placed in the Indian Ocean on 24 hour alert so he could hit Osama as
soon as he had solid intelligence, to stand down. Bush threatened to
veto the Defense Appropriations Bill after Democrats tried to move $600
million out of Star Wars and into anti-terror defense. Bush opposed
Clinton's anti-money-laundering efforts, which were designed to stop al
Qaeda's money. Bush abandoned Northern Alliance leader Ahmed Shah
Massoud, or as the two star general Donald Kerrick told the Washington
Post, reflecting on his service to both President Clinton and President
Bush: Clinton's advisors met nearly weekly on how to stop bin Laden and
al Qaeda. "I didn't detect that kind of focus" from the Bush
Administration.

 Source
 http://democrats.com/view.cfm?id=5714

I don't have to tell you what happened next.

 The Cover Up

Dick Cheney is openly breaking the law by defying GAO requests to turn
over his records of meetings with Enron.

 Source
 http://writ.news.findlaw.com/dean/20020201.html

At the same time that Cheney has refused to turn over his records, Enron
and its accountants have shredded millions of pages of documents.

 Source
 http://www.nytimes.com/2002/01/30/business/30SHRE.html

The Bush's themselves may have destroyed evidence. When the Justice
Department instructed the Bush administration to preserve any documents
related to Enron Corporation, a senior administration official said that
until now, "the White House had not been making any formal effort to
preserve or catalogue information about Enron contacts."

 Source
 http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A10918-2002Feb1.html

While all of this law breaking, stalling, and destruction of evidence
has gone on, Bush has asked Daschle to limit Congressional probes into
Sept. 11.

 Source
 http://www.cnn.com/2002/ALLPOLITICS/01/29/inv.terror.probe/index.html

Note that the supposedly "liberal press" has so far failed to put all of
these pieces together. They are too busy giving Bernard Goldberg and
Bill O'Reilly the airtime to sell a canard called "Bias."
 --

 The Daily Brew: http://www.thedailybrew.com/

 http://globalresearch.ca/articles/MAD201A.html

Centre for Research on Globalisation

Afghanistan, the Taliban
and the Bush Oil Team

by Wayne Madsen

democrats.com,  January 2002

Centre for Research on Globalisation (CRG),  globalresearch.ca,   23
January 2002

----------------------------------------------------------------------------

According to Afghan, Iranian, and Turkish government sources, Hamid Karzai,
the interim Prime Minister of Afghanistan, was a top adviser to the El
Segundo, California-based UNOCAL Corporation which was negotiating with the
Taliban to construct a Central Asia Gas (CentGas) pipeline from Turkmenistan
through western Afghanistan to Pakistan.

Karzai, the leader of the southern Afghan Pashtun Durrani tribe, was a
member of the mujaheddin that fought the Soviets during the 1980s. He was
a top contact for the CIA and maintained close relations with CIA Director
William Casey, Vice President George Bush, and their Pakistani Inter
Service Intelligence (ISI) Service interlocutors. Later, Karzai and a
number of his brothers moved to the United States under the auspices of
the CIA. Karzai continued to serve the agency's interests, as well as
those of the Bush Family and their oil friends in negotiating the CentGas
deal, according to Middle East and South Asian sources.

When one peers beyond all of the rhetoric of the White House and Pentagon
concerning the Taliban, a clear pattern emerges showing that construction
of the trans-Afghan pipeline was a top priority of the Bush administration
from the outset. Although UNOCAL claims it abandoned the pipeline project
in December 1998, the series of meetings held between U.S., Pakistani, and
Taliban officials after 1998, indicates the project was never off the
table.

Quite to the contrary, recent meetings between U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan
Wendy Chamberlain and that country's oil minister Usman Aminuddin indicate
the pipeline project is international Project Number One for the Bush
administration. Chamberlain, who maintains close ties to the Saudi
ambassador to Pakistan (a one-time chief money conduit for the Taliban),
has been pushing Pakistan to begin work on its Arabian Sea oil terminus
for the pipeline.

Meanwhile, President Bush says that U.S. troops will remain in Afghanistan
for the long haul. Far from being engaged in Afghan peacekeeping -- the
Europeans are doing much of that -- our troops will effectively be
guarding pipeline construction personnel that will soon be flooding into
the country.

Karzai's ties with UNOCAL and the Bush administration are the main reason
why the CIA pushed him for Afghan leader over rival Abdul Haq, the
assassinated former mujaheddin leader from Jalalabad, and the leadership
of the Northern Alliance, seen by Langley as being too close to the
Russians and Iranians. Haq had no apparent close ties to the U.S. oil
industry and, as both a Pushtun and a northern Afghani, was popular with a
wide cross-section of the Afghan people, including the Northern Alliance.
Those credentials likely sealed his fate.

When Haq entered Afghanistan from Pakistan last October, his position was
immediately known to Taliban forces, which subsequently pinned him and his
small party down, captured, and executed them. Former Reagan National
Security Adviser Robert McFarlane, who worked with Haq, vainly attempted
to get the CIA to help rescue Haq. The agency claimed it sent a
remotely-piloted armed drone to attack the Taliban but its actions were
too little and too late. Some observers in Pakistan claim the CIA tipped
off the ISI about Haq's journey and the Pakistanis, in turn, informed the
Taliban. McFarlane, who runs a K Street oil consulting firm, did not
comment on further questions about the circumstances leading to the death
of Haq.

While Haq was not part of the Bush administration's GOP (Grand Oil Plan)
for South Asia, Karzai was a key player on the Bush Oil team. During the
late 1990s, Karzai worked with an Afghani-American, Zalmay Khalilzad, on
the CentGas project. Khalilzad is President Bush's Special National
Security Assistant and recently named presidential Special Envoy for
Afghanistan. Interestingly, in the White House press release naming
Khalilzad special envoy, no mention was made of his past work for UNOCAL.
Khalilzad has worked on Afghan issues under National Security Advisor
Condoleezza Rice, a former member of the board of Chevron, itself no
innocent bystander in the future CentGas deal. Rice made an impression on
her old colleagues at Chevron. The company has named one of their
supertankers the SS Condoleezza Rice.

Khalilzad, a fellow Pashtun and the son of a former government official
under King Mohammed Zahir Shah, was, in addition to being a consultant to
the RAND Corporation, a special liaison between UNOCAL and the Taliban
government. Khalilzad also worked on various risk analyses for the
project.

Khalilzad's efforts complemented those of the Enron Corporation, a major
political contributor to the Bush campaign. Enron, which recently filed
for bankruptcy in the single biggest corporate collapse in the nation's
history, conducted the feasibility study for the CentGas deal. Vice
President Cheney held several secret meetings with top Enron officials,
including its Chairman Kenneth Lay, earlier in 2001. These meetings were
presumably part of Cheney's non-public Energy Task Force sessions. A
number of Enron stockholders, including Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld
and Trade Representative Robert Zoellick, became officials in the Bush
administration. In addition, Thomas White, a former Vice Chairman of Enron
and a multimillionaire in Enron stock, currently serves as the Secretary
of the Army.

A chief benefactor in the CentGas deal would have been Halliburton, the
huge oil pipeline construction firm that also had its eye on the Central
Asian oil reserves. At the time, Halliburton was headed by Dick Cheney.
After Cheney's selection as Bush's Vice Presidential candidate,
Halliburton also pumped a huge amount of cash into the Bush-Cheney
campaign coffers. And like oil cash cow Enron, there were Wall Street
rumors in late December that Halliburton, which suffered a forty per cent
drop in share value, might follow Enron into bankruptcy court.

Assisting with the CentGas negotiations with the Taliban was Laili Helms,
the niece-in-law of former CIA Director Richard Helms. Laili Helms, also a
relative of King Zahir Shah, was the Taliban's unofficial envoy to the
United States and arranged for various Taliban officials to visit the
United States. Laili Helms' base of operations was in her home in Jersey
City on the Hudson River. Ironically, most of her work on behalf of the
Taliban was practically conducted in the shadows of the World Trade
Center, just across the river.

Laili Helms' liaison work for the Taliban paid off for Big Oil. In
December 1997, the Taliban visited UNOCAL's Houston refinery operations.
Interestingly, the chief Taliban leader based in Kandahar, Mullah Mohammed
Omar, now on America's international Most Wanted List, was firmly in the
UNOCAL camp. His rival Taliban leader in Kabul, Mullah Mohammed Rabbani
(not to be confused with the head of the Northern Alliance Burhanuddin
Rabbani), favored Bridas, an Argentine oil company, for the pipeline
project. But Mullah Omar knew UNOCAL had pumped large sums of money to the
Taliban hierarchy in Kandahar and its expatriate Afghan supporters in the
United States. Some of those supporters were also close to the Bush
campaign and administration. And Kandahar was the city near which the
CentGas pipeline was to pass, a lucrative deal for the otherwise desert
outpost.

While Clinton's State Department omitted Afghanistan from the top foreign
policy priority list, the Bush administration, beholden to the oil
interests that pumped millions of dollars into the 2000 campaign, restored
Afghanistan to the top of the list, but for all the wrong reasons. After
Bush's accession to the presidency, various Taliban envoys were received
at the State Department, CIA, and National Security Council. The CIA,
which appears, more than ever, to be a virtual extended family of the Bush
oil interests, facilitated a renewed approach to the Taliban. The CIA
agent who helped set up the Afghan mujaheddin, Milt Bearden, continued to
defend the interests of the Taliban. He bemoaned the fact that the United
States never really bothered to understand the Taliban when he told the
Washington Post last October, "We never heard what they were trying to
say... We had no common language. Ours was, 'Give up bin Laden.' They were
saying, 'Do something to help us give him up.' "

There were even reports that the CIA met with their old mujaheddin
operative bin Laden in the months before September 11 attacks. The French
newspaper Le Figaro quoted an Arab specialist named Antoine Sfeir who
postulated that the CIA met with bin Laden in July in a failed attempt to
bring him back under its fold. Sfeir said the CIA maintained links with
bin Laden before the U.S. attacked his terrorist training camps in
Afghanistan in 1998 and, more astonishingly, kept them going even after
the attacks. Sfeir told the paper, "Until the last minute, CIA agents
hoped bin Laden would return to U.S. command, as was the case before
1998." Bin Laden actually officially broke with the US in 1991 when US
troops began arriving in Saudi Arabia during Operation Desert Storm. Bin
Laden felt this was a violation of the Saudi regime's responsibility to
protect the Islamic Holy Shrines of Mecca and Medina from the infidels.
Bin Laden's anti-American and anti-House of Saud rhetoric soon reached a
fever pitch.

The Clinton administration made numerous attempts to kill Bin Laden. In
August 1998, Al Qaeda operatives blew up several U.S. embassies in Africa.
In response, Bill Clinton ordered cruise missiles to be launched from US
ships in the Persian Gulf into Afghanistan, which missed Bin Laden by a
few hours. The Clinton administration also devised a plan with Pakistan's
ISI to send a team of assassins into Afghanistan to kill Bin Laden. But
Pakistan's government was overthrown by General Musharraf, who was viewed
as particularly close to the Taliban. The CIA cancelled its plans, fearing
Musharraf's ISI would tip off the Taliban and Bin Laden. . The CIA's
connections to the ISI in the months before September 11 and the weeks
after are also worthy of a full-blown investigation. The CIA continues to
maintain an unhealthy alliance with the ISI, the organization that groomed
bin Laden and the Taliban. Last September, the head of the ISI, General
Mahmud Ahmed, was fired by Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf for his
pro-Taliban leanings and reportedly after the U.S. government presented
Musharraf with disturbing intelligence linking the general to the
terrorist hijackers.

General Ahmed was in Washington, DC on the morning of September 11 meeting
with CIA and State Department officials as the hijacked planes slammed
into the World Trade Center and Pentagon. Later, both the Northern
Alliance spokesman in Washington, Haron Amin, and Indian intelligence, in
an apparent leak to The Times of India, confirmed that General Ahmed
ordered a Pakistani-born British citizen and known terrorist named Ahmed
Umar Sheik to wire $100,000 from Pakistan to the U.S. bank account of
Mohammed Atta, the lead hijacker.

When the FBI traced calls made between General Ahmed and Sheik's cellular
phone - the number having been supplied by Indian intelligence to the FBI
- a pattern linking the general with Sheik clearly emerged. According to
The Times of India, the revelation that General Ahmed was involved in the
Sheik-Atta money transfer was more than enough for a nervous and
embarrassed Bush administration. It pressed Musharraf to dump General
Ahmed. Musharraf mealy-mouthed the announcement of his general's dismissal
by stating Ahmed "requested" early retirement.

Sheik was well known to the Indian police. He was arrested in New Delhi in
1994 for plotting to kidnap four foreigners, including an American
citizen. Sheik was released by the Indians in 1999 in a swap for
passengers on board New Delhi-bound Indian Airlines flight 814, hijacked
by Islamic militants from Kathmandu, Nepal to Kandahar, Afghanistan. India
continues to believe the ISI played a part in the hijacking since the
hijackers were affiliated with the pro-bin Laden Kashmiri terrorist group,
Harkat-ul-Mujaheddin, a group only recently and quite belatedly placed on
the State Department's terrorist list. The ISI and bin Laden's Al Qaeda
reportedly assists the group in its operations against Indian government
targets in Kashmir.

The FBI, which assisted its Indian counterpart in the investigation of the
Indian Airlines hijacking, says it wants information leading to the arrest
of those involved in the terrorist attacks. Yet, no move has been made to
question General Ahmed or those U.S. government officials, including
Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage, who met with him in September.
Clearly, General Ahmed was a major player in terrorist activities across
South Asia, yet still had very close ties to the U.S. government. General
Ahmed's terrorist-supporting activities - and the U.S. government
officials who tolerated those activities - need to be investigated.

The Taliban visits to Washington continued up to a few months prior to the
September 11 attacks. The State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and
Research's South Asian Division maintained constant satellite telephone
contact with the Taliban in Kandahar and Kabul. Washington permitted the
Taliban to maintain a diplomatic office in Queens, New York headed by
Taliban diplomat Abdul Hakim Mojahed. In addition, U.S. officials,
including Assistant Secretary of State for South Asian Affairs Christina
Rocca, who is also a former CIA officer, visited Taliban diplomatic
officials in Islamabad. In the meantime, the Bush administration took a
hostile attitude towards the Islamic State of Afghanistan, otherwise known
as the Northern Alliance. Even though the United Nations recognized the
alliance as the legitimate government of Afghanistan, the Bush
administration, with oil at the forefront of its goals, decided to follow
the lead of Saudi Arabia and Pakistan and curry favor with the Taliban
mullahs of Afghanistan. The visits of Islamist radicals did not end with
the Taliban. In July 2001, the head of Pakistan's pro-bin Laden
Jamiaat-i-Islami Party, Qazi Hussein Ahmed, also reportedly was received
at the George Bush Center for Intelligence (aka, CIA headquarters) in
Langley, Virginia.

According to the Washington Post, the Special Envoy of Mullah Omar,
Rahmatullah Hashami, even came to Washington bearing a gift carpet for
President Bush from the one-eyed Taliban leader. The Village Voice
reported that Hashami, on behalf of the Taliban, offered the Bush
administration to hold on to bin Laden long enough for the United States
to capture or kill him but, inexplicably, the administration refused.
Meanwhile, Spozhmai Maiwandi, the director of the Voice of America's
Pashtun service, jokingly nicknamed "Kandahar Rose" by her colleagues,
aired favorable reports on the Taliban, including a controversial
interview with Mullah Omar.

The Bush administration's dalliances with the Taliban may have even
continued after the start of the bombing campaign against their country.
According to European intelligence sources, a number of European
governments were concerned that the CIA and Big Oil were pressuring the
Bush administration not to engage in an initial serious ground war on
behalf of the Northern Alliance in order to placate Pakistan and its
Taliban compatriots. The early-on decision to stick with an incessant air
bombardment, they reasoned, was causing too many civilian deaths and
increasing the shakiness of the international coalition.

The obvious, and woefully underreported, interfaces between the Bush
administration, UNOCAL, the CIA, the Taliban, Enron, Saudi Arabia, and
Pakistan, the groundwork for which was laid when the Bush Oil team was on
the sidelines during the Clinton administration, is making the Republicans
worried. Vanquished vice presidential candidate Joseph Lieberman is in the
ironic position of being the senator who will chair the Senate Government
Affairs Committee hearings on the collapse of Enron. The roads from Enron
also lead to Afghanistan and murky Bush oil politics.

UNOCAL was also clearly concerned about its past ties to the Taliban. On
September 14, just three days after terrorists of the Afghan-base al Qaeda
movement crashed their planes into the World Trade Center and Pentagon,
UNOCAL issued the following statement: "The company is not supporting the
Taliban in Afghanistan in any way whatsoever. Nor do we have any project
or involvement in Afghanistan. Beginning in late 1997, Unocal was a member
of a multinational consortium that was evaluating construction of a
Central Asia Gas pipeline between Turkmenistan and Pakistan [via western
Afghanistan]. Our company has had no further role in developing or funding
that project or any other project that might involve the Taliban."

The Bush Oil Team, which can now rely on the support of the interim Prime
Minister of Afghanistan, may think that war and oil profits mix. But there
is simply too much evidence that the War in Afghanistan was primarily
about building UNOCAL's pipeline, not about fighting terrorism. The
Democrats, who control the Senate and its investigation agenda, should
investigate the secretive deals between Big Oil, Bush, and the Taliban.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------

Copyright Wayne Madsen 2002. Reprinted for fair use only.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------

The URL of this article is:

http://globalresearch.ca/articles/MAD201A.html

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