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http://www.thenewamerican.com/tna/2002/02-25-2002/vo18no04_design.htm

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Peace at any cost is a Prelude to War!

World Government by Design
by Steve Bonta

America's subservience to the United Nations and transformation into the
world's policeman is not accidental but is part of a grand design to
establish world government.


As with so many of history's so-called trends, America's transformation into
global policeman isn't accidental. Official admissions of this little-known
truth aren't commonplace, but they do occur. Take journalist Michael Hirsh's
stunning comments in a recent issue of Newsweek, for example. Buried more
than four pages into an otherwise typical anti-isolationism screed entitled
"Death of a Founding Myth," we find the following:

While the isolationists … tempted millions with their siren's appeal to
nativism — the internationalists were always hard at work in quiet places
making plans for a more perfect global community. In the end the
internationalists have always dominated national policy. Even so, they
haven't bragged about their globe-building for fear of reawakening the other
half of the American psyche, our berserker nativism. And so they have always
done it in the most out-of-the-way places and with little ado. In December
1917 the Inquiry, a group of eager reformers who included a young Walter
Lippmann, secretly met in New York to draw up Wilson's Fourteen Points. In
1941, FDR concocted the Atlantic Charter in the mists off Newfoundland. The
dense woods of New Hampshire gave birth to the Bretton Woods institutions —
the IMF and World Bank — in 1944. And a year later the United Nations came to
life at the secluded Georgetown estate of Dumbarton Oaks.... So what emerged
took us more or less by surprise. We had built a global order without quite
realizing it, bit by bit, era by era, with our usual schizoid approach:
alternating engagement and withdrawal.... Like it or not — and clearly large
numbers of Americans still don't — we Americans are now part of an organic
whole with the world that George Washington wanted to keep distant.

Leaving aside the snide reference to George Washington, and Hirsh's shifty
use of the term "we," what of the claim that America has been deliberately,
semi-secretly maneuvered into globalism, that her "berserker nativism" (i.e.,
patriotism) has been neutralized by stealth and subterfuge?

Background to Betrayal

Hirsh is absolutely correct. America's modern obsession with
internationalism, including global militarism, is hardly a grass-roots
impulse. It all started, as Hirsh observes, with Woodrow Wilson and the war
to make the world safe for democracy. Wilson himself was a left-leaning
idealist, in step with the progressives and socialists of his day with their
heady designs of making America over in their own image. But, as is ever the
case with idealists in the arena of practical politics, Wilson was ultimately
the tool of other men, men of cunning and ambition far surpassing his own.

One of Wilson's keepers was Edward Mandell House, a longtime political
operative from Texas who had learned to work the levers of power behind the
scenes. House had been born into wealth and privilege and had no visceral
need for fame. The consummate political insider, House manipulated Wilson's
internationalist idealism as a personal confidant to the president but
declined any official appointments.

House was the real impetus behind the Inquiry, a semisecret group of
internationalist intellectuals including Harvard-trained journalist and
co-founder of The New Republic Walter Lippmann. Many members of the Inquiry,
including both House and Lippmann, were also involved in the negotiations at
Versailles following World War I.

The Inquiry created the Fourteen Points, the famous set of postwar policy
recommendations that included as its centerpiece the League of Nations, the
predecessor of the United Nations. Despite a blizzard of propaganda on its
behalf, the League of Nations was ultimately defeated in the U.S. Senate, an
act that set back the plans of House and his associates. But House, ever the
patient pragmatist, joined with many others who had thrown their energy into
the League of Nations and formed the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), the
American counterpart of the London-based Royal Institute of International
Affairs. The Council on Foreign Relations aspired to nothing less than
creating conditions favorable for the establishment of a world government —
although in recent decades, globalist elites have generally avoided using
that politically risky phrase.

With the outbreak of World War II, internationalists in the CFR and elsewhere
had another chance to convince a reluctant American Congress (and public) of
the wisdom of a world order. Accordingly, the United Nations was created and
this time, the U.S. Senate voted overwhelmingly in favor of the UN treaty.

>From the beginning, the architects of the UN recognized that, as with all
governments, only the ability to exercise force could confer legitimacy. This
meant that the UN would have to be given police and military powers. But how?
Member nations were jealous of their sovereignty and largely ignorant of the
megalomaniacal objectives of UN insiders. They would not easily be persuaded
to surrender their weapons or commit their armed forces to UN service. As
long as a country as militarily powerful and independent as the United States
wielded influence apart from the United Nations, a true world order would be
impossible.

The infamous Kennedy-era State Department document Freedom from War: The
United States Program for General and Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful
World gives a rare glimpse into the mentality of the men who in public always
carefully insist that the United Nations and kindred international
organizations are but benign "frameworks" or "forums" for peace and
cooperation. The document envisages strengthening the United Nations
militarily by a careful, step-by-step process while gradually reducing the
military might of independent nations, until "no state would have the
military power to challenge the progressively strengthened U.N. Peace Force."
Clearly, to achieve this objective, the United States must be weakened
militarily and persuaded to commit its resources to the United Nations.

This has been precisely the outcome of more than a half-century of
UN-supervised war-making. American confidence was severely eroded by the
Korean stalemate, the original UN "police action" which included capturing,
torturing, and successfully brainwashing a surprising number of American
servicemen by a brutal Communist foe. And Vietnam was worse: Our troops were
placed deliberately in a no-win quagmire with inane rules of engagement
precluding victory. The American defeat in Vietnam — the first in our history
— devastated our national confidence, even as sundry subversives on the home
front sowed the seeds for a cultural revolution in the '60s and '70s that
blasted American moral values and cultural norms.

The Persian Gulf War in 1991 marked the next major turning point. Regarding
the UN-supervised war and cease-fire that followed (UN-led wars usually end
in "cease-fires," not "peace treaties"), President George Bush (the elder)
fondly recalled:

In the Gulf, we saw the United Nations playing the role dreamed of by its
founders, with the world's leading nations orchestrating and sanctioning
collective action against aggression.

After such a precedent, it became a simple matter for eager-beaver
internationalists during the Bush and Clinton eras to dispatch American
troops to the likes of Somalia, Kosovo, and Bosnia to fight on behalf of the
United Nations.

Fast Forward to Today

Now, in the era of George W. Bush, the true objectives of the
internationalist set are more transparent than ever. An international
UN-mandated peacekeeping force is now being assembled in Afghanistan. UN
troops are stationed in much of Africa, most notably in the Congo, Eritrea,
Ethiopia, and Sierra Leone. Smaller contingents patrol the former Spanish
Sahara in Morocco and many other African states. UN forces also wage peace in
Cyprus, Korea, the Balkans, and Palestine, and token observer forces are
stationed in many other hot spots.

But the most significant fact about UN operations is that they seldom end.
The UN has kept the Korean peninsula in a state of war for almost fifty
years. The UN-mandated campaign against Iraq shows no sign of ending. And
even the most credulous observer would now admit that Clinton and his
internationalist friends never intended to extricate UN-supervised U.S.
forces from Bosnia and Kosovo.

But the prize for the globalists remains the United States. Soberingly, the
United Nations can now muster the military force to subdue much of the Third
World, given an adequate political pretext. And America is being duped into
subscribing to the internationalist agenda, as each new UN military adventure
strengthens the precedent for U.S. subservience to international authority.




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