-Caveat Lector-

(Jeff Rense is a great talk show host and not afraid to take on controversial
issues, unlike another well known personality who avoids some subjects (CIA&
drugs, other topics not approved by ??? Now friend of CIA Netanyahu is gaining
favor according to 'US corporate media'. TV is God. What God will be able to
replace TV?  HAARP and the secret injectable microchip to be used in the
'smallpox vaccine'. I think I'm getting a rash... Got (BGH) milk? --SW)

------- Forwarded message follows -------

An added note -- Lucianne Goldberg may well be the key link between the Mossad
and Drudge and Isikoff regarding Lewinsky.

Goldberg seems to occupy a spot on the political map where the Mossad, the
Jewish Mafia and the CIA converge, with all the baggage that comes with that --
dirty tricks and worse.  She is one of the true baddies.

Naturally, she is a fanatic on Israel, and censors with a heavy hand on
Lucianne.com any criticism of Israel, no matter how well-reasoned or well-
grounded in facts -- a Stalinist at heart.  So many militant anti-Communists
are completely indistinguishable from militant Communists in their totalitarian
psychology.

See, for instance, the following link on the organized crime connections:

http://www.google.com/search?q=lucianne+goldberg+murray+chotiner

  ----- Original Message -----
  From: The Webfairy
  To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  Sent: Thursday, March 28, 2002 10:14 AM
  Subject: Re: [CIA-DRUGS] Matt Drudge and Michael Isikoff are Mossad Tools


  Great find.
  Don't forget the Moonie influence over Falwell(who got 78 million
  from them) and the rest of the Christian Right.
  A lot of the names in this post are linked with both Mossad and
  Moonies.

  http://rense.com/general20/unholy.htm
  http://rense.com/general20/unholy2.htm
  http://rense.com/general21/unholy3.htm



  From: Arther Miller ([EMAIL PROTECTED])
  Subject: Gideon's* Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad
  Newsgroups: us.politics, alt.california, alt.military,
  alt.politics.usa
  Date: 2002-03-28 03:58:33 PST


  Gideon's* Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad

  By Gordon Thomas

  Reviewed by Richard H. Curtiss
  Binyamin Netanyahu arrived in Washington, DC on Jan. 19, 1998 for
  what was expected to be a showdown with U.S. President Bill Clinton
  over  the Israeli prime minister's refusal to implement
  land-for-peace  provisions of the Oslo accords. Netanyahu had vowed
  to  "set Washington on fire." To emphasize his determination to
  confront Clinton, he proceeded directly from the airport to a
  downtown rally with a bitter Clinton foe, American Zionist
  televangelist Jerry Falwell, who distributes a videotape accusing
  Clinton of complicity in drug-related murders.

  The next morning, Jan. 20, The Washington Post reported that
  President Clinton was having a romance with a White House intern.
  Later in the day, when Netanyahu met with Clinton in the White
  House, nothing much happened. Nor did much happen Jan. 22, when
  Clinton met with Yasser Arafat, except that nearly all the questions
  in the press conference that followed dealt only with the White
  House sex scandal.

  One reason the U.S.-Israel confrontation was so abruptly aborted,
  according to Welsh journalist Gordon Thomas, author of Gideon's
  Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad, is that a year earlier  two
  technicians from Mossad, Israel's external intelligence agency,  had
  traveled from Tel Aviv to Washington to tap the telephone lines  of
  Clinton's then-23-year-old girlfriend, Monica Lewinsky. Their
  efforts had produced steamy tape recordings of what Lewinsky called
  "telephone sex."

  Also, although Thomas, the 66-year-old author of 30 previous
  nonfiction books and an additional seven works of fiction, doesn't
  mention it in  his book, if the Mossad bugged the telephone in
  Lewinsky's Watergate  apartment to record her conversations with the
  president, it would  also have known about Linda Tripp, who spent
  even more hours talking  with Lewinsky than did Clinton, and perhaps
  other Monica confidants  unknown even to special prosecutor Kenneth
  Starr.

  That Clinton soon became aware of the Mossad tapes was made clear,
  Thomas points out, by Clinton's March 1997 warning to Lewinsky that
  "he believed a foreign embassy was taping their conversations."

  In any case, there was no Clinton-Netanyahu confrontation in
  January  1998 because, only hours before Netanyahu arrived at the
  White House,  Clinton's dalliance was made public in The Washington
  Post; by writer  Michael Isikoff of its sister publication,
  Newsweek; and in an on-line gossip site called the Drudge Report. It
  has never been made clear  how Mossad learned of the affair, who
  tipped off reporters Isikoff  and, later, Matt Drudge, or why
  everyone decided to go public with the revelation that America's
  president had a mistress not much older than his daughter just as
  Netanyahu arrived to "set Washington on fire."  More than a year
  later, the U.S. national capital is still smoldering.

  According to author Thomas, Mossad's Clinton tapes also directly
  affected another top-priority FBI investigation that may have roots
  going all the way back to the administration of President Ronald
  Reagan, when U.S. Naval counterintelligence specialist Jonathan  Jay
  Pollard was given a life sentence for stealing thousands of  pages
  of classified documents on behalf of Israel. The stolen  material
  relating to codes, satellite surveillance, and intelligence  ources
  and methods was so highly classified that the U.S. government
  declined to describe it even to the sentencing judge.

  According to Thomas, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir passed
  some of Pollard's stolen material pertaining to U.S.
  intelligence-gathering resources and capabilities to the former
  Soviet Union "as a gesture  of goodwill." Although Thomas doesn't
  say it, the Soviets reciprocated by allowing tens of thousands of
  Soviet Jews to emigrate to Israel.  Thomas reports also that Shamir
  also was able to turn over enough of  the Pollard material to the
  former apartheid government of South Africa to enable it to cripple
  U.S. intelligence gathering in Africa and to  hide joint
  Israeli-South African nuclear weapons development from U.S.
  detection.

  Interestingly, U.S. investigators concluded that Pollard was able
  to  gather such sensitive material because someone in a higher
  position  in the U.S. government described to Pollard's Israeli
  handlers the  documents he should steal. Also, according to Thomas,
  Pollard's  Israeli handlers were able to give him the codes, some of
  them  changed every few days, which were designed to make such
  sensitive  material inaccessible to middle-level civil servants like
  Pollard.

  The ongoing FBI search for an Israeli spy at the very top level  of
  the U.S. government received a name during Clinton's first term.  On
  Feb. 16, 1997, a U.S. government agency intercepted a telephone
  call from a Mossad agent named Dov in Israel's Washington, DC
  embassy  to his Mossad superior in Tel Aviv. The Israeli ambassador
  wanted the  agent to go to "Mega," the agent said, to obtain a copy
  of guarantees  then-U.S Secretary of State Warren Christopher had
  given to Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat in connection
  with the Israeli withdrawal from part of Hebron in the West Bank.

  "That's not what we use Mega for," the official in Tel Aviv
  responded, thus setting off a renewed top-priority search by the FBI
  for a  high-level Israeli spy code-named "Mega." Meanwhile,
  according to  Thomas's book, Mossad desperately planted "spin"
  stories in the  U.S. media claiming that "Mega" was just Israeli
  government jargon  for the CIA and its program of overt cooperation
  with Mossad.

  Ignoring the spin, the FBI had narrowed the search to the upper
  echelon of the National Security Council, which includes National
  Security Adviser Sandy Berger, the secretaries of state and
  defense,  and the employees who deal with foreign policy and
  military matters in the Clinton White House, or to someone who has
  access to all NSC correspondence when, according to Thomas, the FBI
  was ordered to downgrade its investigation.

  In his book, Thomas implies that downgrading the FBI search for
  "Mega," just when the circle of suspects had been narrowed down,
  was linked to Clinton succumbing to Israeli blackmail based on  the
  Mossad's tapes of his telephone conversations with Monica.

  Yet another Thomas allegation which will be of particular interest
  in both Britain and the Middle East is that Mossad was in the
  process  of recruiting security chief Henri Paul of the Ritz Hotel
  in Paris  as an informer at the time Paul drove the automobile in
  which Britain's Princess Diana and her Egyptian boyfriend, Dodi
  Al-Fayed, son of Paul's employer, Harrod's department store owner
  Mohammad Al-Fayed, were killed. However, Thomas does not corroborate
  the widespread belief of Middle Easterners that the death of the
  Princess of Wales was a conspiracy  to prevent her from marrying
  Al-Fayed and having a future king of  England brought up by a Muslim
  stepfather.

  Instead, Thomas speculates that Mossad pressure being applied to
  Henri Paul to become an informer or be publicly exposed for taking
  bribes to inform paparrazi of the movements of celebrities drove
  him to the combination of pills and alcohol that led to the high-
  speed accident in which he perished. Still another revelation in
  Thomas's book is that Czech-born British publishing tycoon Robert
  Maxwell, whom Thomas describes as a volunteer Mossad sayan  (sayanim
  are locally recruited Jewish Mossad supporters abroad),  was
  murdered by a two-man Mossad assassination squad who, after  Maxwell
  was lured to the Canary Islands, slipped aboard his yacht,  killed
  him and pushed his body overboard. The reason, according  to Thomas,
  was that Maxwell was threatening to expose secret  Israeli
  operations if Mossad did not return funds he had lent it  from the
  pension fund of his London Daily Mirror newspaper to  help Mossad
  finance its extensive operations abroad.

  This arouses a question in the mind of any reader who has followed
  Israeli clandestine operations over the years. This writer had
  noted that Maxwell was murdered by Israel agents while he was
  negotiating the purchase of the New York Daily News, the only
  remaining non-Jewish-owned New York newspaper. A logical
  explanation was that when Israel was unable or unwilling to  provide
  the remainder of the funds needed to finance his purchase,  Maxwell
  had threatend to expose his extensive previous collaboration  in
  shady Mossad financial and media operations.

  The difference might seem minor, but if Thomas's explanation for
  Maxwell's assassination is accepted, U.S. investigative reporters
  might someday be less inclined to look into the circumstances of
  the subsequent purchase of the Daily News by U.S. real estate  and
  media tycoon Morton Zuckerman, whose pro-Zionist media empire  in
  the U.S.-which also includes U.S. News and World Report and  the
  Atlantic Monthly-bears some resemblance to Maxwell's in Europe.

  In fact, Thomas's book outlines in some detail the manner in which
  Mossad and other Israeli agencies have built up a network of
  prestigious publications and journalists in order to have the means
  to discredit Israel's enemies, and to float false explanations  for
  events that might otherwise discredit Israel.

  There are other omissions from Thomas's book which seem curious.
  For example, there is no mention of the infamous Lavon affair,  the
  1954 firebombing of U.S. government diplomatic establishments  and
  libraries in Egypt by young Israeli-trained Egyptian Jews in  order
  to cool the blossoming friendship between Egyptian President  Gamal
  Abdel Nasser and the U.S. government. Although the operation  was
  carried out by Israeli military intelligence (Aman) rather  than
  Mossad, its spectacular failure, which poisoned Israeli  domestic
  politics for years afterward, seems worthy of mention.

  Similarly, there is no mention of the assault by Israeli fighter-
  bombers and torpedo boats on the USS Liberty, a "ferret" ship
  operated by the U.S. Navy for the National Security Agency, in which
  34 U.S. crew members were killed and 171 wounded.  Surviving crew
  members insist the lengthy Israeli attack was a  deliberate attempt
  to send the ship, which was monitoring all military communications
  in the area, to the bottom and blame Egypt.  However, both Congress
  and the executive branch have steadfastly  refused to investigate
  the tragedy that took place on the fourth  day of the Six-Day
  Arab-Israeli war of June 1967.

  Thomas explains in the final pages of his book that he was
  approached  in August 1994, by Zvi Spielmann, creator of Israel's
  United Film  Studios, which has co-produced many films with
  Hollywood production companies, to write and present a television
  documentary on Mossad. He discovered there was very little hard
  information on Mossad other  than the unauthorized and highly
  revealing works of Mossad defector  Victor Ostrovsky, and another
  Israeli source, Ari Ben-Menashe,  whose credibility remains
  unproven.

  Thomas lived as a boy in both Egypt and Palestine, where his  father
  was an officer in the Royal Air Force, and his father-in- law was an
  intelligence officer in Europe. But Thomas was otherwise  heavily
  dependent upon background interviews with Israeli sources  to whom
  he presumably was steered by Spielmann. The resulting film,  and now
  the book, might therefore be described as an authorized biography of
  Mossad which, because the author is an outsider, remains deniable.

  It contains at least cursory accounts of a great many incidents
  that have been reported previously. Among these are the familiar
  stories of Wolfgang Lotz, the Israeli spy who successfully posed  as
  a German horse trainer in Cairo and who, after his capture in  1965,
  was exchanged for Egyptian prisoners of war; Israeli spy  Eli Cohen,
  who was caught and hanged in 1965 in Syria; Israeli  collaboration
  with French intelligence agents in the kidnapping,  torture and
  murder of Moroccan opposition leader Mehdi Ben Barka  in 1965; the
  spectacular rescue by Israeli special forces of  Jewish passengers
  from an Air France plane hijacked by Palestinians  to Entebbe,
  Uganda in 1976; and the 1986 Mossad kidnapping of  Mordechai Vanunu,
  a Moroccan-born Israeli Jew who, after his  conversion to
  Christianity, blew the whistle on Israel's nuclear  weapons program.

  Vanunu was lured from Britain, where he had been talking to the
  London Times, to Rome by American-born Mossad agent Cindy Johnson,
  aka Cheryl Ben-Tov, who has returned to her original home in
  Orlando,  Florida where she now lives peacefully while the man she
  betrayed to kidnappers for revealing the existence of Israel's
  hidden nuclear  weapons plant in Dimona is serving a 20-year prison
  sentence in  Israel.

  Less familiar to Western readers may be Thomas's accounts of how
  Mossad's Al (Hebrew for "highest") unit "prowled through
  California's  Silicon Valley and Boston's Route 128 for high-tech
  secrets"; how  Mossad's LAP operation puts an Israeli "spin" on
  media accounts of  events all over the world; how the FBI's James
  Kallstrom remarked that "if there was a way to nail those bastards
  in Tel Aviv for  time wasting, I sure would like to see it happen,"
  after Mossad's sayanim in the U.S. media faithfully inserted into
  their reports and publications every LAP falsehood aimed at blaming
  Arabs or Muslims for the accidental explosion of Trans World
  Airlines Flight 800  off Long Island in 1996; how LAP tried to do
  the same thing at the  time of the bombing of the Atlanta Olympic
  Games; of how Abraham  Fineberg, "a Zionist supporter of Israel's
  nuclear aspirations,"  sought to buy control of President John F.
  Kennedy's Middle East policy with a $500,000 campaign contribution
  and then threatened  to withhold support for a re-election campaign
  if Kennedy insisted  on an inspection of Israel's nuclear weapons
  plant at Dimona;  the failed attempt to assassinate Jordanian Hamas
  leader Khaled  Meshal in Amman in 1997; the Israeli role in
  instigating and then  keeping alive the Israeli sale of American
  arms to Iran in exchange  for the release of American hostages which
  eventually became the  Irangate scandal, for which President Reagan
  was nearly impeached;  the extremes to which hatred of the U.S. and
  Britain and grudging  admiration for Nazi Germany drove Israeli
  Prime Minister Yitzhak  Shamir; Israel's role in the murky Inslaw
  case involving the theft  of U.S. computer software which enables
  Israel to tap into law  enforcement data banks all over the world;
  the concoction of a  false plot which seemed to implicate Syria in a
  scheme to blow  up an El Al commercial flight originating in Britain
  in 1986;  the murder of Ali Hassan Salameh, who helped plan the
  seizure  of Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympic games in 1972,
  but  who also was the principal American source of intelligence
  about Palestinian resistance groups; a murky account of unsolved
  mysteries surrounding the explosion of PanAm Flight 103 over
  Lockerbie, Scotland; the Mossad assassination of Canadian- American
  weapons developer Gerald Bull in Brussels in 1990;  and myriad
  references to Mossad involvement in far more murders  in the Middle
  East and Europe than Israel has ever admitted.

  Most shocking, perhaps, is Thomas's reiteration of the report  first
  aired by Mossad defector Ostrovsky that Israeli Mossad  agents were
  aware of the truck bomb being constructed in Beirut  for use against
  U.S. peacekeeping forces there. Mossad withheld  the information
  from the U.S. and allowed the Oct. 23, 1983  attack, in which 241
  Americans were killed, to take place.

  In deference to the book reviewers' tradition of pointing up
  niggling problems, there are typos on pp. 106, 126, 189, and 249
  which the publishers can correct in a second edition. And, mangled
  almost beyond recognition on p. 140, is the name of former Iranian
  Savak agent Manocher Ghorbanifar, who was so deeply involved in
  luring Reagan administration officials into the Israeli-inspired
  Irangate morass.

  Much more important is the question of whether the principal
  purpose  of this book is to put a Mossad spin on some events that,
  if they  become better known, could be highly damaging to Israel, or
  whether  it is to convince both Israelis and their Jewish financial
  backers  throughout the world that Mossad is doing its job and
  deserves  continued budgetary support, or both. It's  also possible,
  of course, that the author and his sponsors simply hope to make a
  profit and timed the book's March 1999 release to exploit current
  world-wide  interest in the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal and the tragic
  death of Diana, Princess of Wales.

  Regardless of motives and seemingly minor inaccuracies, Gideon's
  Spies is a gripping and informative narrative. Everyone interested
  in the  long history of the Israeli-Palestinian dispute,  and its
  far-reaching effects on the Arab states, the United States, and
  virtually every other country in the world, should read it.

  *Gideon was an Old Testament hero who saved the Israelites from
  defeat by superior forces because he had superior intelligence.

  Richard H. Curtiss is the executive editor of the Washington Report
  on Middle East Affairs.

------- End of forwarded message -------
------------------------
"In little more than a year we have gone from enjoying peace
and the most prosperous economy in our history, to a nation
plunged into war, recession and fear. This is a nation being
transformed before our very eyes."

http://www.truthout.com

Steve Wingate, Webmaster
ANOMALOUS IMAGES AND UFO FILES
http://www.anomalous-images.com

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