-Caveat Lector-

> FYI
>
> >From http://www.msnbc.com/news/731882.asp?cp1=1
>
> }}}>Begin
>
> Israel Is Not America�s Greatest Ally
>
> It�s time to recognize that Israel�s interests do not always match up with America�s
>
> By Michael Lind
> NEWSWEEK INTERNATIONAL
>
> April 8 issue � Once again, conflict is raging between Israel and the
> Palestinians�and once again, the U.S. government can see fault only on one side.
> Even as Israeli soldiers were demolishing his compound and threatening his life,
> Palestinian Authority chairman Yasir Arafat was instructed by U.S. Secretary of State
> Colin Powell to end terrorism against Israel, including that committed by groups
> Arafat cannot control. What passes in the United States as an evenhanded stance is
> perceived, not only in the Middle East but in Europe and throughout the world, as
> unquestioning American support of bully tactics by Israel. In fact, with his 
>uncritical
> support of Israel, George W. Bush has managed to create an alliance of Arab states
> supporting Iraq against the United States. The Arab-Israeli conflict has also fueled
> divisions between the United States and its European allies over the war against Al
> Qaeda. One can only hope that the depth of the international opposition to America�s
> policies may slowly force a reappraisal of U.S.-Israel relations �for the good of 
>both
> countries.
>
> THE U.S.-ISRAELI relationship has gone through two phases. In the first phase,
> which lasted from Israel�s establishment in 1948 until the 1967 war, Washington
> supported or opposed Israel in light of America�s broader Middle Eastern and global
> strategies. Although the Truman administration supported the creation of Israel, the
> Eisenhower administration opposed Israel, Britain and France when they tried to
> seize the Suez Canal in 1956. Following the 1967 war between Israel and its
> neighbors, however, most Arab states sided with the Soviet Union, and a bloc of
> communist and Third World countries in the United Nations routinely demonized both
> Israel and the United States. Israel and the United States were natural allies.
>
>     After the Berlin wall fell, if a realistic re-examination had been permitted, it 
>would
> have become clear that Israel had ceased to be as valuable a U.S. asset. But for
> more than a decade, U.S. policy toward Israel has been shaped as much by
> domestic politics as by grand strategy: the pro-Israel lobby is the most powerful one
> in Washington. This support for Israel�no matter what its policies�has given
> license to Israel�s hard right to employ savage means of oppression against the
> Palestinians, and even against their own Arab citizens. While it is rarely noted in 
>the
> American media, Israel has now occupied Palestinian lands for 35 years, denying 3
> million people rights, and ruling over them with brutality. It would seem difficult 
>to
> make a humanitarian case for unqualified support for such policies.
>     Is it time for a third era in U.S.-Israel relations? While America should 
>continue to
> guarantee the survival of Israel inside internationally recognized borders, it is 
>time to
> acknowledge that the interests of Israel do not always coincide with those of the
> United States, any more than do the interests of other American allies like Britain 
>or
> Japan.
>     Since decolonization after World War II, the most fundamental norm�more
> fundamental even than human rights�has been the principle of national self-
> determination, which holds that no substantial cultural community should be ruled,
> against its will, by foreigners. Practical considerations do not allow every nation 
>to
> have its own nation-state. Nevertheless, national self-determination is the norm that
> justified the independence of both the United States and Israel from the British
> empire�and which today justifies the independence of the Palestinians from Israel.
> Needless to say, when a sovereign Palestinian state joins the society of nations, it
> must agree to renounce revolutionary tactics and abide by the norms of international
> law and diplomacy, as the United States did in 1776 and Israel did in 1948.
>
>     In formulating a new
> Middle Eastern strategy based on enlightened self- interest, Americans can be
> guided by principles as old as the American republic. In 1793 President Washington
> issued a proclamation of U.S. neutrality between France and Britain, who were at
> war. An influential pro- French party argued that France and the United States
> shared common republican and liberal ideals, and looked back with nostalgia at the
> Franco-American alliance during the American Revolution. But Alexander Hamilton,
> the first secretary of the Treasury and the greatest foreign-policy thinker among the
> Founding Fathers, argued that �an individual may, on numerous occasions,
> meritoriously indulge the emotions of generosity or benevolence, not only without an
> eye to, but even at the expense of, his own interest. But a government can rarely, if
> at all, be justifiable in pursuing a similar course.� Hamilton warned that we 
>Americans
> should be careful not to �overrate foreign friendships, and to be upon our guard
> against foreign attachments... Foreign influence is truly the Grecian horse to a
> republic.� According to Hamilton, foreign influence is �most dangerous when it comes
> under the patronage of our passions, under the auspices of national prejudice and
> partiality.� Two centuries later, this counsel to the American people could not be
> more relevant.
>
> Lind, a senior fellow at the New America Foundation, is the former executive editor 
>of
> The National Interest and a former senior editor of The New Republic
>
>     � 2002 Newsweek, Inc.
> End<{{{
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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