-Caveat Lector-

Will the members of Israel's army and Ariel Sharon
be tried on the same legal basis?

-----Original Message-----
From: International Justice Watch Discussion List
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]
On Behalf Of Thomas Keenan
Sent: Sunday, April 21, 2002 8:10 PM
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: U.S. Weighing New Doctrine for Tribunals


Many have wondered over the last few months what exactly the U.S. was
going to do with those guys in Camp X-Ray, and what the celebrated
military tribunals would actually be trying. Were the prisoners simply
POWs (whatever the U.S. claimed as to their 'combattant' status), subject
to indefinite storage in the face of a war without end, or had they
actually committed war crimes, and if so, what might the evidence and
charges be?

Neil Lewis writes on the front page of Sunday's New York Times that the
U.S. is having a very difficult time getting the captives to talk, let
alone finding out whether they've done anything particularly bad, and so
Washington is producing a "new legal doctrine" that effectively
criminalizes membership in Al Qaeda. He writes that "the new guidance
would probably require a finding that a prisoner was not only a member of
Al Qaeda but also that he furthered its aims." But that's all. Having
dramatically relaxed the evidentiary standards for criminal cases in the
tribunals, it now appears that the Pentagon would (more or less) like to
do away with the need for evidence of specific war crimes altogether:

        The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the
        questioning was going slowly and the prisoners were largely
        uncooperative. No one, the official said, has confessed to
        any atrocity or violation of the laws of war. Nor, the
        official added, have the interrogators had much success in
        getting prisoners to provide information that could be used
        against other captives.

        Another official said the new approach would allow military
        prosecutors to charge some captives even without evidence
        from witnesses or documents that they committed war crimes.

        "It could be enough to show that they were part of a group
        and furthered its aims," this official said.

        "They would be shown," the official said, "to be a part of
        a group that did things like killing civilians and
        noncombatants, attacked targets with no military value or
        took or killed hostages" - the traditional roster of war
        crimes. "Also engaging in torture," the official said.

Thomas Keenan
Human Rights Project
Bard College

===============================

http://www.nytimes.com/2002/04/21/national/21TRIB.html

Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
Sunday, April 21, 2002; page one

U.S. Weighing New Doctrine for Tribunals
By NEIL A. LEWIS

WASHINGTON, April 20 - Uncertain about how they will be
able to prosecute many of the nearly 300 prisoners detained
at a naval base in Cuba, Bush administration officials are
considering a new legal doctrine that would allow prisoners
to be brought before military tribunals without specific
evidence that they engaged in war crimes.

The new approach would make it an offense to have been a
senior member or officer of a Qaeda unit that was involved
in any of the regular crimes of war, like mistreatment of
civilians.

One administration official said the effort came out of
increasing uneasiness that the interrogations of the
prisoners, who were taken from Afghanistan to the naval
base at Guántanamo Bay, had not yielded enough information
to charge very many with traditional war crimes.

The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the
questioning was going slowly and the prisoners were largely
uncooperative. No one, the official said, has confessed to
any atrocity or violation of the laws of war. Nor, the
official added, have the interrogators had much success in
getting prisoners to provide information that could be used
against other captives.

Another official said the new approach would allow military
prosecutors to charge some captives even without evidence
from witnesses or documents that they committed war crimes.

"It could be enough to show that they were part of a group
and furthered its aims," this official said.

"They would be shown," the official said, "to be a part of
a group that did things like killing civilians and
noncombatants, attacked targets with no military value or
took or killed hostages" - the traditional roster of war
crimes. "Also engaging in torture," the official said.

Officials said the legal mechanism for charging someone
with being a member of a Qaeda unit involved in crimes was
not complete but would probably be detailed in a document
to guide military prosecutors.

Administration lawyers have already begun work on the
issue, officials said, and expect that their efforts will
produce the document, which would be formally issued by the
Defense Department.

Prof. Detlev Vagts of the Harvard Law School, an authority
on the law of war, said the government appeared to be
trying to build a military version of the civilian charge
of conspiracy.

In the Nuremberg trials after World War II, the Allies
declared the Nazi special police, the SS, a criminal
organization. But Professor Vagts said that, in the end, no
one was ever charged simply on the basis of membership in
the SS.

People were usually prosecuted for war crimes on testimony
by witnesses or, in the case of senior officials, on the
extensive records the Nazi authorities kept. No equivalent
documentation exists in Afghanistan.

The unease about what to do with the prisoners is occurring
after the administration, notably the Defense Department,
spent considerable effort drafting regulations for the
military tribunals. A government lawyer said White House
officials were becoming increasingly concerned that the
tribunals, authorized despite great criticism, might not be
put to much use.

That seems unlikely now, officials said, with the capture
in Pakistan last month of Abu Zubaydah, believed to be the
director of operations for Al Qaeda and thus the
highest-ranking official of that organization in United
States custody. Mr. Zubaydah, Justice Department officials
have said, is a near-ideal candidate for a tribunal trial.

One official said the major unanswered question was
whether the military would seek the death penalty for Mr.
Zubaydah, an issue to be deferred until he is interrogated
and his cooperation is evaluated.

Officials said the administration's new doctrine was being
fashioned to create an offense different from what lawyers
call a status crime. The Supreme Court has rejected status
crimes, in which it is an offense merely to be a member of
a group, like the Communist Party.

The new doctrine, lawyers said, is an effort to comply with
rulings that require not only membership in a group but
also some identifiable connection to its aims. In this
case, the new guidance would probably require a finding
that a prisoner was not only a member of Al Qaeda but also
that he furthered its aims.

Although the Defense Department's regulations do not
provide for review of tribunal verdicts by civilian courts,
lawyers for people convicted by the tribunals are certain
to ask federal courts to intervene. That is probably one
reason the new guidance appears to consider Supreme Court
precedents in similar cases.

After World War II, for example, the court upheld a
conviction by a military tribunal of a Japanese commander
whose troops committed atrocities in Manila while he was
elsewhere in the Philippines.

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