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Smells like coup spirit 
By Dwayne Eutsey 
 
 
April 27, 2001�Thanks to the investigative reporting of journalists 
such as Greg Palast, more evidence of a coordinated effort to 
disenfranchise tens of thousands of registered voters (mostly African 
American) is surfacing in Florida. When these reports are considered 
within the context of police roadblocks, cases of intimidation, and 
possible large-scale voter fraud and ballot tampering, fears of an 
orchestrated dirty election become more substantiated.

There is another aspect of the 2000 election in Florida that remains 
largely untouched, however: the possibility of a domestic covert 
intelligence operation designed to make certain that America didn't 
go Democratic "due to the irresponsibility of its own people," to 
paraphrase Henry Kissinger's remark concerning overthrowing the 
democratically elected government in Chile.

Perhaps the possibility of such an operation in the US is too far-
fetched to take seriously, or perhaps there isn't enough evidence to 
proceed with documenting such suspicions.  Unfortunately, history 
proves that the former assumption is naive (Watergate, Iran-Contra, 
and documented CIA activities against US citizens come immediately to 
mind). Regarding evidence, it's the nature of the covert beast to 
leave no fingerprints and smoking guns behind (unless you're setting 
up a patsy).  However, if you can't find a corpse laying around, the 
stench in the air can often reveal, nonetheless, that a murder 
victim's body is covered up somewhere nearby.

What follows here is not an expose of how a CIA-backed coup in 
Florida helped kill the democratic process in November. It is an 
effort, however, to draw attention to the disturbing stink 
surrounding events in the 2000 election that are similar to known CIA 
actions that thwarted democracy in other countries, namely Guatemala 
in the 1950s and Chile in 1973.  To avoid the appearance 
of "conspiracy theorizing" on my part, I've limited the information 
presented here to what can be verified.  I have also limited the 
focus of this survey to very broad similarities.  Many others 
connections exist and warrant further investigation (such as claims 
that former CIA/FBI agent Charles Kane, who was involved in possible 
absentee ballot tampering in Florida, played a role in the Bay of 
Pigs invasion and CIA coups and dirty tricks around the world.  He 
allegedly retired in the mid-'70s and would have been employed during 
the Agency's heyday of covert operations).

Hopefully, this general overview will help prompt others to conduct a 
more thorough look into murky activities that, taken as a whole, 
suggest the spirit of CIA-Coups-Past may have paid an unwelcome visit 
last November to Florida.

Historical Background

By placing these facts within the larger historical context of CIA 
coup activity, many of the baffling events transpiring in Florida 
last year begin to make some sense.  The same players (CIA, powerful 
corporations, rightwing militarists), the same motives (preserving 
economic/political power), and even the same tactics (armed violence, 
fortunately, being one exception) begin to emerge that suggest some 
unpleasant connections among them.

For easier comparison, I break down these similarities according to 
coup patterns in Guatemala, Chile, and Florida.  Unless otherwise 
noted, the information here is from David Halberstam's excellent 
book, The Fifties, and from the Senate Select Committee to Study 
Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities 
(Church Report).

Guatemala:  Prior to the legitimate election of Jacobo Arbenz to the 
presidency in the early '50s, United Fruit Company controls most of 
the country's land, economy, and politics.  The land reform policies 
that Arbenz wants to implement, which would redistribute United Fruit-
controlled land to Guatemalans, threaten United Fruit's economic 
interests and political power in the region.  United Fruit has close 
ties to powerful figures in America, including Allen Dulles (Director 
of the CIA) and his brother Foster (Secretary of State).  The Dulles 
brothers and others portray Arbenz as a communist threat and convince 
President Eisenhower that a coup is in America's best interest.

Chile:  Despite CIA covert efforts to defeat him, socialist Salvador 
Allende is elected as president in 1970.  His plan to nationalize 
Chilean industries poses a direct threat to the reactionary Nixon 
Administration and the multinational corporate interests it 
represents.  Prior to Allende's election, the CIA spent years and 
millions of dollars waging a propaganda war to maintain a 
US/corporate-friendly government in Chile.  After the election, the 
Agency is instrumental in implementing Henry Kissinger's desire to 
thwart Allende's policies and in supporting a military coup being 
planned by General Augusto Pinochet.

Florida:  Strategically important in the CIA's covert war against 
Cuba (and other troublespots throughout Central and South America), 
Florida has been home to CIA mercenary training camps since at least 
the '50s (such as one in Opa-Locka).

There is also an interesting Bush connection to Florida (apart from 
Jeb Bush holding the state's governorship).  According to a report in 
The Nation, days after the Kennedy assassination in 1963 a memo from 
J. Edgar Hoover stated that a "Mr. George Bush of the Central 
Intelligence Agency" had been briefed regarding the reaction of anti-
Castro Cuban exiles in Miami to the murder.  Although George H.W. 
Bush claims the name he shares with the "Mr. George Bush of the CIA" 
is coincidental, a source for the story observed:  "I know [Bush] was 
involved in the Caribbean. I know he was involved in the suppression 
of things after the Kennedy assassination. There was a very definite 
worry that some Cuban groups were going to move against Castro and 
attempt to blame it on the CIA."  (see Joseph McBride, "'George 
Bush,' CIA Operative," The Nation, July 16/23, 1988, p. 42).

The Players

What follows is a very general review of similar interests and 
organizations involved in some manner in Guatemala, Chile, and 
Florida.

Guatemala:

CIA:  Director Allen Dulles is a key player in organizing the coup.

Multinational:  United Fruit Company is known as  "el pulpo" ("the 
octopus") because of its pervasive influence over so many facets of 
the country.

Rightwing Militarists Takeover:  A reactionary military junta is 
installed after the coup, fronted by the CIA-selected Carlos Enrique 
Castillo Armas.  The junta is responsible for the mass murder of 
dissidents and years of brutal repression.

Chile:

CIA:  For a detailed analysis of widespread US covert activities in 
Chile, see the Church Report.

Multinationals:  "In addition to providing information and cover to 
the CIA, multinational corporations also participated in covert 
attempts to influence Chilean politics."  Church Report.  Among the 
corporations actively opposed to Allende's election and his socialist 
experiment were ITT, Pepsi-Cola, and the Chase Manhattan Bank.

Rightwing Militarists Takeover:  With CIA support and the blessings 
of the Nixon Administration, General Augusto Pinochet establishes a 
brutal and reactionary military junta after the coup.  As in 
Guatemala, the junta is repressive and responsible for the mass 
murder of dissidents (including Americans Charles Horman and Frank 
Terrugi, both of whom were tortured and executed.  According to a US 
State Department memo dated August 25, 1976, the CIA "may have played 
an unfortunate part" in both deaths.  See 
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/19991008/01�04.htm). 

Florida:

CIA:  At least one "former" CIA operative (Charles Kane) is 
implicated in shady activities during the Florida election.  The 
attorney for those investigating Kane's involvement in tampering with 
absentee ballots said Kane's efforts were part of a "sinister 
underground conspiracy." ("Florida Official Admits Helping GOP," 
Associated Press, December 7, 2000).

Multinationals: Oil, insurance, tobacco, pharmaceuticals, etc., all 
have concerns about a Gore presidency and its potential for 
regulatory activism.  These corporations are eager to bring "business 
special interests into politics so they can take over the regulatory 
bodies of government and regulate themselves.  ("America in the Grip 
of Bush's 'Iron Triangle,'" The Observer, December 3, 2000). 

Rightwing Militarists Takeover:  The Bush Administration has 
established "itself as the most brazenly rightwing of modern times. 
As the ecstatic head of the ultra-conservative Heritage Foundation 
enthuses, the new crowd are 'more Reaganite than the Reagan 
administration.'"  (The Guardian, April 25, 2001).  Among the 
appointments Bush has made are Cold Warriors (e.g., Donald 
Rumsfield), old Iran/Contra characters and intelligence operatives 
(e.g., John Negroponte and Otto Reich; see The Nation, May 7, 
2001:  "Lie to the Media, Get a Job," by Eric Alterman).

Tactics

Media Manipulation/Reality Distortion

Guatemala: CIA "deftly created a fictional war over the airwaves, one 
in which the government troops faltered and refused to fight and in 
which the liberation troops were relentlessly moving toward Guatemala 
City." Halberstam

Chile: "Press placements [by the CIA] were attractive because each 
placement might produce a multiplier effect, being picked up and 
replayed by media outlets other than the one in which it originally 
came out." Church Report

Florida:  John Ellis, Bush's first cousin, at the rightwing Fox News 
decides to declare the state for Bush after 2 a.m., causing the other 
networks to do likewise, creating the lasting (and false) impression 
that Bush won the election.

Press Collusion

Guatemala: " . . . one crucial ingredient left for the success of the 
coup . . . was the cooperation, voluntary and involuntary, of the 
American press. This meant it was necessary for the press corps to 
tell the public that the coup was the work of an indigenous 
Guatemalan force." Halberstam

Practically all American reporters cooperate, with the exception of 
NYT reporter Sydney Gruson. After CIA director Allen Dulles puts 
pressure on the Times, Gruson is removed from covering Guatemala. "It 
was an important moment," writes Halberstam, "a warning to the 
paper's top executives about the potential difference between the 
agenda of the secret government and that of serious journalism."

Chile:  Excerpts from the Church Report . . ."The most common form of 
a propaganda project is simply the development of 'assets' in media 
organizations who can place articles or be asked to write 
them." "According to CIA documents, the Time correspondent in Chile 
apparently had accepted Allende's protestations of moderation and 
constitutionality at face value. Briefings requested by Time and 
provided by the CIA in Washington resulted in a change in the basic 
thrust of the Time story on Allende's September 4 victory and in the 
timing of that story." "According to the CIA, partial returns showed 
that 726 articles, broadcasts, editorials, and similar items directly 
resulted from Agency activity. The Agency had no way to measure the 
scope of the multiplier effect . . . but concluded that its 
contribution was both substantial and significant."

Florida: After Election Day, airwaves are saturated with rightwing 
commentators, such as Ann Coulter, accusing Gore of being a "nutcase" 
who is trying to steal an election that was, at the very least, in 
dispute; at the most, it was a victory for Gore. (See "GOP Won by 
Planting Seeds of Deception, by Roger Ebert, Chicago Sun-Times, 
December 14, 2000).

Lewis Lapham of Harper's noted that the "poisonous language" 
and "paranoid" arguments being aired at the time were mostly coming 
from rightwingers (although the Democrats were not free 
from "unctuous statement, rank hypocrisy, and bitter diatribe.")  
Still, when it came to rancor and speciousness, he "didn't find the 
same sort of stupidity on the Democratic side of the dispute."

A sidenote on the Press and the CIA:  There are a number of articles 
exposing the connections between the US media and the CIA.  The most 
famous expose was Carl Bernstein's "The CIA and the Media" in the 
October 20, 1977 issue of Rolling Stone.  In it, Bernstein reveals 
the cooperation during the '50s and '60s between major US media 
outlets and the intelligence community, including, CBS, New York 
Times, Time, the Miami Herald, and hundreds of others.  The NY Times 
recently reported, ironically enough, that the CIA has included news 
wire services (the now Moonie-owned UPI, for example) as part of 
its "regular propaganda apparatus;" this apparatus also 
included "Miami exile contacts with Florida papers."

Although this report is based on a CIA document from the early '60s, 
it was also reported this year (or underreported) that US Army 
psychological operations personnel (responsible for spreading 
propaganda) were placed at CNN's TV, radio, and satellite bureaus 
during the Kosovo war.   (From a report by Alexander Cockburn in 
Counterpunch, cited among AlterNet's Top Ten Censored Stories of 
2000).

Staging "Spontaneous" Revolts/Protests

Guatemala: CIA creates the "rebel army" that is supposed to be an 
indigenous uprising. "One of the CIA's main responsibilities was to 
keep American journalists out of the area lest they find out how 
pathetic Castillo Armas's army really was." Halberstam

Chile: "The CIA was directed to undertake an effort to promote a 
military coup in Chile to prevent the accession to power of Salvador 
Allende." (This particular coup fell apart).  Church Report.

Florida: Republican operatives are bussed into Miami in a GOP-
orchestrated campaign to shut down the recount effort and intimidate 
(and even physically assault) Democratic election officials.

Targeting Special Groups for Propaganda

Chile: "The covert propaganda efforts in Chile also included 'black' 
propaganda�material falsely purporting to be the product of a 
particular individual or group . . . the CIA used 'black' propaganda 
to sow discord between the Communists and the Socialists and between 
the national labor confederation and the Chilean Communist Party." 
Church Report

Florida: African Americans received calls the weekend before the 
election from a speaker who falsely claimed to be with the NAACP, 
asking them to vote for Bush.  (Midwest Today, December 2000:  "Scary 
Facts About the Florida Vote," by Larry Jordan).

Conclusion

Where does mere coincidence end and meaningful patterns begin?  Even 
if the events in Florida listed here (along with the more detailed 
reports being filed by investigative journalists) are removed from 
the context of covert actions, it is easy to conclude that something 
profoundly disturbing happened in the previous election.

Reviewing the increasing amount of evidence demonstrating just how 
dirty the 2000 election was, however, is it so unreasonable to think 
that those interests whose hands remain sullied from Florida would 
have sunk one notch lower into the murky depths of covert 
operations?  What are the limits when the objective is to grab power 
at any cost?

And what will those who seized that power do next time in order to 
hold on to it?
 
      Copyright � 1998-2002 Online Journal�. All rights reserved.

   


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