-Caveat Lector-

Nuclear-Tipped Foolishness

by Michael Kraig and Michael Roston

Washington - May 21, 2002

http://spacedaily.com/news/bmdo-02k.html

On April 11, 2002, the Washington Post publicized the Defense Science Board's
study of integrating nuclear-tipped interceptors into America's planned
national missile defense (NMD). Initial Bush administration reviews of missile
defense technology discounted the possibility of using such a system. However,
the administration may be concerned that other missile defense proposals,
employing "kinetic hit-to-kill vehicles" that strike a target head-on, cannot
guarantee successful interception.

Some analysts have suggested that this form of interception is as difficult as
"hitting a baseball with a golf ball." Beyond guaranteeing a successful
interception, some NMD planners also hope that nuclear explosions in space
would guarantee the destruction of biological or chemical agents in ballistic
missile payloads.

The Defense Department under Secretary Donald Rumsfeld is not the first to
consider the use of a nuclear warhead-based missile defense system. Nuclear-
tipped ballistic missile interceptors created a great deal of controversy in
previous decades. One system, known as Sentinel, was actually deployed during
the 1970s to defend the Midwest's nuclear silos from a preemptive strike.

The military considered deploying the Sentinel system nationwide. The result
was a strong push by physicists that succeeded in convincing the military that
the risks of deploying such a system far outweighed the protection it provided.


The arguments against nuclear-tipped interceptors have salience to this day,
and should continue to be heeded.

First, nuclear-tipped kill vehicles would most likely intercept an incoming
missile in low earth orbit (LEO). At this height, it is still possible for
radiation produced by a nuclear detonation to fall back to earth. If this
intercept were to occur over American soil, the missile defense system would
create a serious risk of the homeland being exposed to unnaturally high amounts
of dangerous radiation.

It is precisely this concern that inspired Representatives John Spratt of South
Carolina and Tom Allen of Maine to mandate a study by the National Academy of
Sciences of the effects of such an incident.

Second, the damage done to most commercial and military satellite systems by
even one nuclear detonation in low earth orbit would be comparable to the
"Pearl Harbor in Space" scenario ironically depicted by many conservatives as a
justification for U.S. weaponization of space.

On January 11, 2001, a special commission on threats to U.S. space systems led
by Rumsfeld concluded that U.S. satellites were vulnerable to both conventional
and nuclear attacks conducted by "rogue states," who presumably would have
little to lose in a conflict with the United States.

But isn't it possible that the use of a nuclear-tipped interceptor in an NMD
system deployed by the U.S. would have essentially the same destructive effects
as a rogue attack?

Even within the Defense Department, there have been studies showing that a
nuclear detonation in space, whatever the source, is a shock our entire planet
cannot healthily absorb. An April 2001 study by the Defense Threat Reduction
Agency entitled "High Altitude Nuclear Detonation against Low Earth Orbit
Satellites" concluded that a single low-yield nuclear burst in space could
disable every commercial and government satellite in low earth orbit in a
matter of weeks.

Replacement of damaged satellites at current launch rates would be
extraordinarily difficult, expensive, and time-consuming, while higher
background radiation levels would continue to degrade any new systems put in
orbit for months afterward.

Most commercial communications satellites are in low earth orbit. In their role
as conduits for rapid information exchange, they form the backbone of the
global economy, and their destruction would chaotically disrupt international
markets.

Furthermore, the diplomatic consequences of destroying all other countries' LEO
satellites in such a strike (including those of our allies) would be almost
unimaginable. And the effects would go well beyond economic and diplomatic.

Weather prediction and monitoring satellites would also be badly degraded,
undermining everything from U.S. military operations to worldwide shipping and
transportation to disaster prevention. In addition, crucial military imaging
systems such as the Lacrosse, KH-11, and KH-12 photo-reconnaissance satellites
would eventually be disabled as well.

The U.S. uses these satellites for target identification for future air
strikes, tactical wartime intelligence, and post-bombing damage assessment--
tasks that were essential to military success in Iraq, Kosovo, and Afghanistan.
The loss of such assets would undermine the use of precision air strikes during
wartime to limit U.S. casualties.

In short, the accumulated economic shocks and human casualties caused directly
and indirectly by the loss of LEO satellites would be very high and hard to
calculate accurately. It is exactly these extreme vulnerabilities that have led
many U.S. conservatives to warn about a future Pearl Harbor in Space. But in
this case, it would be the U.S. itself that would destroy its own assets--not
international rogues.

Unfortunately, in its rush to deploy a workable NMD system, the administration
appears to be studying a form of treatment that will cure the disease but kill
the patient. In seeking to prevent one ballistic missile from striking an
American target, a nuclear kill vehicle could do serious harm to the very
people it seeks to protect.

Members of Congress are right to raise concerns about the implications of this
system. One hopes they will convince the Pentagon's Defense Science Board to
fully consider these costs by going beyond narrow technical considerations and
assessing the overall effect of a nuclear-tipped interceptor on U.S. national
security.

(Michael Kraig is a Program Officer at The Stanley Foundation. Michael Roston
is an Analyst at the Russian American Nuclear Security Advisory Council. This
article was first published in Foreign Policy in Focus and is republished here
with the permission of the author. All commentary is that of the writers an
should not be construed as representing the beliefs of either of these
organizations.

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