-Caveat Lector-


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-Caveat Lector-

Washington's secrecy battles - from 9/11 to Enron
Date: 5/31/02; Publication: The Christian Science Monitor; Author: Daniel 
Schorr



   The letter of Coleen Rowley, FBI agent in Minneapolis, bitterly 
complaining of the roadblocks that hampered the investigation of a leading 
terrorist suspect, is not only a severe embarrassment to the FBI. It also 
reopens the perennial issue of how much liberty to sacrifice in the 
interest of security.
In the mid-1970s, congressional investigations unearthed years of extensive 
illegal FBI wiretaps, surveillance, and break-ins aimed at political 
dissidents and civil rights activists, including the Rev. Martin Luther 
King Jr. The 1976 report of the House Intelligence Committee, suppressed by 
a vote of the House, spoke of "careers ... ruined, friendships severed ... 
in some cases, lives endangered."

It was to establish control of FBI activities that Congress, in 1978, 
passed the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. It created a unique 
secret court, with judges selected by the Supreme Court's chief justice, to 
review applications for wiretapping foreign agents. Operating behind walls 
of secrecy, and seldom refused, the bureau became slipshod in writing its 
applications.

As a result, in the fall of 2000, according to The New York Times, the 
seven judges called Attorney General Janet Reno to their secret courtroom 
to complain of misleading affidavits. The scorched FBI counterintelligence 
unit began holding back on submitting new applications.

Some requests relating to Al Qaeda were held up for review as to whether 
they met the legal standard for a wiretap warrant. This was the atmosphere 
in which the dedicated Agent Rowley found herself being frustrated in her 
efforts to obtain a warrant to search Zacarias Moussaoui's laptop computer. 
But that was in the month before Sept. 11. In the wake of Sept. 11, the 
hastily enacted USA Patriot Act gave Attorney General John Ashcroft broader 
power to circumvent the Fourth Amendment's "probable cause" standard, and 
reduce judges' discretion in issuing certain types of warrants.

So, are we going back to the days when Henry Kissinger, in the Nixon White 
House, could write his own list of wiretap targets? Are we faced again with 
that vexing question of how much privacy to yield in the name of security?

For a president facing such difficult questions, there is nothing like a 
European tour, reviewing honor guards, hobnobbing with foreign leaders, and 
walking among the graves on the Normandy beachhead. President Bush has 
clearly enjoyed his week of respite from the issues of secrecy vs. 
disclosure that are preoccupying Washington. Issues of overseeing vs. 
overlooking, you might say.

The secrecy battles are being fought on the domestic and the terrorism 
fronts. Domestically, Sen. Joseph Lieberman (D) is using congressional 
subpoena power to pursue the records of the administration's close ties 
with Enron. From papers already released, it is clear that Enron had a big 
hand in writing the administration's energy policy and naming its 
regulatory officials. The White House is resisting supplying the bulk of 
the subpoenaed documents, but is reluctant to invoke executive privilege as 
too reminiscent of the Nixon coverup. It is hard to imagine what these 
documents contain that is worth all the stonewalling.

The other battle is about terrorism, and that brings us back to what the 
administration knew before Sept. 11. The administration continues to sit on 
its assets and fiercely resists the idea of an inquiry by an independent 
commission. We have learned a lot from the aforementioned letter by Coleen 
Rowley in Minneapolis and the neglected memo by Agent Kenneth Williams in 
Phoenix about the possibility that Osama bin Laden was using American 
flight schools to train terrorists.

But we know very little about another key document - the CIA briefing paper 
that was given to the president at his Texas ranch on Aug. 6 and captioned: 
"Bin Laden determined to strike in the US." Was the administration too 
unconcerned about the terrorist threat in this country five weeks before 
Sept. 11?

Vice President Dick Cheney said the CIA paper was just a "rehash," 
containing nothing new. But as to why Congress should not see it, Mr. 
Cheney said, "Because it contains the most sensitive sources and methods. 
It's the family jewels."

A rehash is the family jewels? A series of alerts about future terrorist 
threats has not diverted attention from errors of the past. These issues, 
sitting on the president's doorstep when he returned from Europe, await his 
full attention.

* Daniel Schorr is a senior news analyst at National Public Radio.

(c) Copyright 2002. The Christian Science Monitor

### 30


Daniel Schorr, Washington's secrecy battles - from 9/11 to Enron. , The 
Christian Science Monitor, 05-31-2002, pp 11.

        


 Any power that can be abused will be abused.
— Tyranny Law #1

Abuse always expands to fill the limits of resistance to it.
— Tyranny Law #2

If people don't resist the abuses to others, they will have no one to resist the 
abuses to themselves, and tyranny will prevail.
— Tyranny Law #3


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<A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/";>www.ctrl.org</A>
DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please!  These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
========================================================================
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