--- Begin Message ---
-Caveat Lector-
Gush Shalom Draft
80 Theses for a New Peace Camp
* The peace process has collapsed � and taken down with it a
large part of the Israeli peace camp.
* Transient circumstances, such as personal or party-political
matters, failures of leadership, political self-interest, domestic
and global political developments � all these are like foam
over the waves. Important as they may be, they cannot
adequately explain the total collapse.
* The true explanation can only be found beneath the surface,
at the roots of the historical conflict between the two nations.
* The Madrid-Oslo process failed because the two sides were
seeking to achieve conflicting goals.
* The goals of each of the two sides emanated from their basic
national interests. They were shaped by their historical
narratives, by their disparate views of the conflict over the
last 120 years. The Israeli national historical version and the
Palestinian national historical version are entirely
contradictory, both in general and in every single detail.
* The negotiators and the decision-makers on the Israeli side
were completely oblivious of the Palestinian national
narrative. Even when they sincerely wished to reach a
solution, their efforts were doomed to fail as they could not
understand the national desires, traumas, fears and hopes of
the Palestinian people. While there is no symmetry between
the two sides, the Palestinian attitude was similar.
* Resolution of such a long historical conflict is possible only if
each side is capable of understanding the other�s spiritual-
national world and willing to approach it as an equal. An
insensitive, condescending and overbearing attitude
precludes any possibility of an agreed solution.
* The Barak Government, which had inspired so much hope,
was afflicted with all these attitudes, hence, the enormous
gap between its initial promise and the disastrous results.
* A significant part of the old peace camp (also called the
�Zionist Left� or the �Sane Constituency�) is similarly afflicted
and therefore collapsed along with the government it
supported.
* Therefore, the primary role of a new Israeli peace camp is to
get rid of the false myths and the one-sided view of the
conflict. This does not mean that the Israeli narrative should
automatically be rejected and the Palestinian narrative
unquestionably accepted. But it does require open-minded
listening and understanding of the other side�s position in the
historical conflict, in order to bridge the two national
narratives.
* Any other way will lead to a perpetuation of the conflict, with
periods of ostensible tranquility and conciliation frequently
interrupted by violent hostile actions between the two nations
and between Israel and the Arab world. Considering the pace
of development of weapons of mass destruction, further
rounds of hostility could lead to the destruction of all sides to
the conflict.
The Root of the Conflict
* The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the continuation of the
historical clash between the Zionist Movement and the
Palestinian Arab people, a clash that began at the end of the
19th century and has yet to end.
* The Zionist Movement was, essentially, a Jewish reaction to
the emergence of the national movements in Europe, all of
which were hostile to Jews. Having been rejected by the
European nations, some of the Jews decided to establish
themselves as a separate nation and, following the new
European model, to set up their own national State where
they could be masters of their own fate. The principle of
separation, which formed the basis of the Zionist idea, had
far-reaching consequences later on. The basic Zionist tenet,
that a minority cannot exist within a nationally- homogenous
state according to the European model, subsequently led to
the practical exclusion of the national minority in the Zionist
state that came into being about 50 years later..
* Traditional and religious motives drew the Zionist Movement
to Palestine (Eretz Israel in Hebrew) and the decision was
made to establish the Jewish State in this land. The maxim
was: �a land without a people for a people without a land�.
This maxim was not only created out of ignorance, but also
reflected the general arrogance towards non-European
peoples that prevailed in Europe at that time.
* Palestine was not empty � not at the end of the 19th century
nor at any other period. At that time, there were half a million
people living in Palestine, 90% of them Arabs. This population
objected, of course, to the incursion of another nation into
their land.
* The Arab National Movement emerged almost simultaneously
with the Zionist Movement, initially to fight the Ottoman
Empire and later to fight the colonial regimes created upon its
destruction at the end of World War I. A separate Arab-
Palestinian national movement developed in the country after
the British created a separate State called �Palestine�, and in
course of the struggle against the Zionist infiltration.
* Since the end of World War I, there has been an ongoing
struggle between two nationalist movements, the Jewish-
Zionist and the Palestinian-Arab, both of which aspired to
accomplish their goals � which entirely negate each other -
within the same territory. This situation remains unchanged
to this day.
* As Jewish persecution in Europe intensified, and as the
countries of the world closed their gates to the Jews
attempting to flee the inferno, so the Zionist Movement gained
strength. The Holocaust, which took the lives of six million
Jews, gave moral and political force to the Zionist claim that
led to the establishment of the State of Israel.
* The Palestinian People, witnessing the growth of the Jewish
population in their land, could not comprehend why they were
required to pay the price for crimes committed against the
Jews by Europeans. They violently objected to further Jewish
immigration and to the acquisition of lands by the Jews.
* The complete blindness of each of the two peoples to the
national existence of the other inevitably led to false and
distorted perceptions that took root deep in the collective
consciousness of both. These perceptions affect their
attitude towards each other to this day.
* The Arabs believed that the Jews had been implanted in the
country by Western Imperialism, in order to subjugate the
Arab world and take control of its treasures. This conviction
was strengthened by the fact that the Zionist movement, from
the outset, strove for an alliance with at least one Western
power (Germany, Great Britain, France, the U.S.A.) to
overcome the Arab resistance. The results were a practical
cooperation and a community of interests between the Zionist
enterprise and imperialist and colonialist forces, directed
against the Arab national movement.
* The Jews, on the other hand, were convinced that the Arab
resistance to the Zionist enterprise � intended to save the
Jews from the flames of Europe � was the consequence of
the murderous nature of the Arabs and of Islam. In their eyes,
Arab fighters were �gangs�, and the uprisings of the time
were called �riots�.
(Actually, in the 1920�s, the most extreme Zionist leader, Ze�ev
Jabotinsky, was almost alone in recognizing that the Arab
resistance to the Zionist settlement was an inevitable, natural,
and, from this point of view, just reaction of a �native� people
defending their country against foreign invaders. Jabotinsky also
recognized the fact that the Arabs in the country were a separate
national entity and derided attempts made to bribe the leaders of
other Arab countries to put an end to the Palestinian Arab
resistance. However, Jabotinsky�s conclusion was to erect an
�iron wall� against the Arabs and to crush their resistance by
force.)
* This total contradiction in the perception of the facts affects
every aspect of the conflict. For example, the Jews
interpreted their struggle for �Jewish Labor� as a
progressive social effort to transform a nation of merchants
and speculators into one of workers and farmers. The Arabs,
on the other hand, saw it as a criminal attempt by the Zionists
to dispossess them, to evict them from the labor market and
to create, on their land, an Arab-free, separatist Jewish
econom.
* The Zionists were proud of their �Redemption of the Land�.
They had purchased it for full value with money collected
from Jews around the world. �Olim� (new immigrants, literally
pilgrims) who had been intellectuals and merchants in their
former life, now earned their living by the sweat of their brow.
They believed that they had achieved all this by peaceful
means and without dispossessing a single Arab. For the
Arabs this was a cruel narrative of dispossession and
expulsion: The Jews acquired lands from rich absentee Arab
landowners and then forcibly evicted the fellahin who had, for
generations, been living on and earning their living from
these lands. To help them in this effort, the Zionists engaged
the Turkish and, later, the British police. The Arabs looked
on, despairingly, as their land was taken from them.
* Against the Zionist claim of having successfully �turned the
desert into a garden�, the Arabs cited the testimonies of
European travelers who spoke of a Palestine that, for several
centuries, has been described as a populated and flourishing
land, the equal of any of its regional neighbors.
Independence and Disaster
* The contrast between the two national versions peaked in the
war of 1948, a war called �the War of Independence� or even
�the War of Liberation� by the Jews, and �El Naqba�, the
disaster, by the Arabs.
* As the conflict intensified in the region, and with the
resounding impact of the Holocaust, the United Nations
decided to divide the country into two States, Jewish and
Arab. Jerusalem and its environs were supposed to remain a
separate unit, under international jurisdiction. The Jews were
allotted 55% of the land including the unpopulated Negev.
* The Zionist Movement accepted the partition plan, convinced
that the crucial issue was to establish a firm foundation for
Jewish sovereignty. In closed meetings, David Ben-Gurion
never concealed his intention to expand, at the first
opportunity, the territory given to the Jews. That is why
Israel�s Declaration of Independence did not define the state�s
borders and Israel has remained without definite borders to
this day.
* The Arab world did not accept the partition plan and regarded
it as a vile attempt by the United Nations, which essentially
was at the time a club of Western and Communist nations, to
divide a country that did not belong to it. Handing over most
of the country to the Jewish minority, which represented a
mere third of the population, made it all the more unforgivable
in their eyes.
* The war initiated by the Arabs after the partition plan was,
inescapably, an �ethnic� war; a kind of war in which each
side seeks to conquer as much land as possible and evict the
population of the other side. Such a campaign (which later
came to be called �ethnic cleansing�) always involves
expulsion and atrocities.
* The war of 1948 was a direct extension of the Zionist-Arab
conflict in which each side sought to fulfill its aims. The Jews
wanted to establish a homogenous, national State that would
be as large as possible. The Arabs wanted to eradicate the
Zionist Jewish entity that had been established in Palestine.
* Both sides practiced ethnic cleansing as an integral part of
the fighting. There were not many Arabs remaining in
territories captured by the Jews and no Jews remained in
territories captured by the Arabs. However, as the territories
captured by the Jews were by far larger than those captured
by the Arabs, the result was unbalanced. (The ideas of
�population exchange� and �transfer� were raised in Zionist
organizations as early as in the 1930�s. Effectively this meant
the expulsion of the Arab population from the country. On the
other side, many among the Arabs believed that the Zionists
should go back to wherever they came from.)
* The myth of �the few against the many� was cultivated by the
Jews to describe the stand of the Jewish community of
650,000 against the entire Arab world of over a hundred
million. The Jewish community lost 1% of its people in the
war. The Arabs painted a completely different picture: A
fragmented Arab population with no national leadership to
speak of, with no unified command over its meager forces,
with poor, few and mostly obsolete weapons, confronting an
extremely well organized Jewish community that was highly
trained in the use of its weapons. The neighboring Arab
countries betrayed the Palestinians and, when they finally did
send their armies, they primarily operated in competition with
each other, with no coordination and no common plan. From
the social and military point of view, the fighting capabilities
of the Israeli side were far superior to those of the Arab
states, which had hardly emerged from the colonial era.
* According to the United Nations plan, the Jewish State was
supposed to include an Arab population amounting to about
40%. During the war the Jewish State expanded its borders
and ended up with 78% of the area of the land. This area was
nearly devoid of Arabs. The Arab populations of Nazareth and
a few villages in the Galilee remained almost incidentally; the
villages in the Triangle had been given to Israel as part of a
deal by King Abdullah and, therefore, could not be evacuated.
* In the war a total of 750,000 Palestinians were uprooted.
Some of them fled out of fear of the battle, as civilian
populations do in every war. Some were driven away by acts
of terror such as the Dir-Yassin Massacre. Others were
systematically evicted in the course of the ethnic cleansing.
* No less important than the expulsion is the fact that the
refugees were not allowed to return to their homes when
fighting was over, as is the practice after a conventional war.
Quite to the contrary, the new Israel saw the removal of the
Arabs very much as a blessing and proceeded to demolish
totally some 450 Arab villages. New Jewish villages were built
on the ruins, and new Hebrew names were given to them. The
abandoned houses in the cities were repopulated with new
immigrants.
�A Jewish State�
* The signing of the cease-fire agreements at the end of the war
of 1948 did not bring an end to the historical conflict, which
was, in fact, raised to new and more intensive levels.
* The new State of Israel dedicated its early years to the
consolidation of its homogenous national character as a
�Jewish State�. Large sections of land were expropriated
from the �absentees� (the refugees), from those officially
designed as �present absentees� (Arabs who physically
remained in Israel but were not allowed to become citizens)
and even from the Arab citizens of Israel, most of whose
lands were taken over. On these lands a dense network of
Jewish communities was created. Jewish �Immigrants� were
invited and even coaxed to come en masse. This great effort
fortified the State�s power several times over in but a few
years.
* At the same time the State vigorously conducted a policy of
obliterating the Palestinians as a national entity. With Israeli
help, the Trans-Jordan monarch, Abdullah, took control over
the West Bank and since then there has been, in effect, an
Israeli military guarantee for the existence of the Kingdom of
Jordan.
* The main rationale of the deal between Israel and the
Hashemite Kingdom, which has been in effect for three
generations, was to prevent the establishment of an
independent Arab-Palestinian State, which was considered �
then and now � as an obstacle to the realization of the Zionist
objective.
* A historical change occurred at the end of the 1950�s on the
Palestinian side when Yasser Arafat and his associates
founded the Fatah Movement designed to free the Palestinian
liberation movement from the custody of the Arab
governments. It was no accident that this movement emerged
after the failure of the great Pan-Arab concept whose most
renowned representative was Gamal Abd-el-Nasser. Up to this
point many Palestinians had hoped to be absorbed into a
united All-Arab Nation. When this hope faded, the separate
National Palestinian identity re-emerged.
* The Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was created by
Gamal Abd-el-Nasser to prevent autonomous Palestinian
action that might involve him in an undesired war with Isr.
The organization was intended to impose Egyptian authority
over the Palestinians. However, after the Arab defeat in the
June 1967 war, Fatah, led by Yasser Arafat, took control over
the PLO and has been the sole representative of the
Palestinian people ever since.
�The Six Day War�
* The June 1967 war is seen in a very different light by the two
sides, as is every incident over the last 120 years. According
to the Israeli myth, this was a desperate war of defense,
which miraculously placed a lot of land in Israel�s hands.
According to the Palestinian myth, the leaders of Egypt, Syria
and Jordan fell into a trap set by Israel in order to capture
whatever was left of Palestine.
* Many Israelis believe that �The Six Day War� was the root of
all evil and it was only then that the peace-loving and
progressive Israel turned into a conqueror and an occupier.
This conviction allows them to maintain the absolute purity of
Zionism and the State of Israel up to that point in history and
preserve their old myths. There is no truth to this legend.
* The war of 1967 was yet another phase of the old struggle
between the two national movements. It did not change the
essence; it only changed the circumstances. The essential
objectives of the Zionist Movement � a Jewish State,
expansion, and settlement � were making great strides. The
particular circumstances made extensive ethnic cleansing
impossible in this war, but several hundreds of thousands of
Palestinians were nevertheless expelled.
* Israel was allotted 55% of the land (Palestine) by the 1947
partition plan, an additional 23% was captured in the 1948 war
and now the remaining 22%, across the �Green Line� (the pre-
1967 armistice line), was also captured. In 1967 Israel
inadvertently united the Palestinian people (including some of
the refugees) under its rule.
* As soon as the war ended, the Settlement Movement began.
Almost every political faction in the state participated in this
movement � from the messianic-nationalistic �Gush Emunim�
to the �leftist� United Kibbutz Movement. The first settlers
received broad support from most politicians, left and right,
from Yigal Alon (the Jewish settlement in Hebron) to Shimon
Peres (the Kedumim settlement).
* The fact that all governments of Israel cultivated and
advanced the settlements, albeit to different extents, proves
that the settlement aspiration was restricted to no specific
ideological camp and extended to the entire Zionist
Movement. The impression that has been created of a small
minority driving the Settlement Movement is illusionary. Only
a consolidated effort on the part of all Government Agencies
since 1967 could have produced the legislative, the strategic
and the budgetary infrastructure required for such a long-
lasting and expensive endeavor.
* The legislative infrastructure incorporates the misleading
assumption that the Occupation Authority is the owner of
�government-owned lands�, although these are the essential
land reserves of the Palestinian population. It is self-evident
that the Settlement Movement contravenes International Law.
* The dispute between the proponents of the �Greater Israel�
and those of �Territorial Compromise� is essentially a dispute
about the way to achieve the basic Zionist aspiration: a
homogenous Jewish State in as large a territory as possible.
The proponents of �compromise� emphasize the
demographic issue and want to prevent the inclusion of the
Palestinian population in the State. The �Greater Israel�
adherents place the emphasis on the geographic issue and
believe (privately or publicly) that it is possible to expel the
non-Jewish population from the country (code name:
�Transfer�).
* The General Staff of the Israeli army played an important role
in the planning and building of the Settlements. It created the
map of the settlements (identified with Ariel Sharon): blocs of
settlements and bypass roads, lateral and longitudinal, so
that the West Bank and the Gaza Strip are chopped up into
pieces and the Palestinians are imprisoned in isolated
enclaves, each of which is surrounded by settlements and the
occupation forces.
* The Palestinians employed several methods of resistance,
mainly raids across the Jordanian and Lebanese borders and
attacks inside Israel and everywhere in the world. These acts
are called �terrorist� by the Israelis while the Palestinians see
them as the legitimate resistance of an occupied nation. The
PLO leadership, headed by Yasser Arafat, had long been
considered a terrorist leadership by the Israelis but has
gradually come to be internationally recognized as the �sole
legitimate representative� of the Palestinian people.
* At the end of 1987, when the Palestinians realized that these
actions were not putting an end to the settlement momentum,
which gradually pulled the land out from under their feet, they
launched the Intifadah � a grassroots uprising of all sectors
of the population. In this Intifidah, 1500 Palestinians were
killed, among them hundreds of children; several times the
number of Israeli losses.
The Peace Process
* The October 1973 war, which commenced with the surprise
victory of the Egyptian and Syrian forces and culminated with
their defeat, convinced Yasser Arafat and his close
associates that there is no military way to achieve the
national Palestinian objectives. He decided to embark upon a
political path to reach agreement with Israel and to pursue, at
least, a partial achievement of the national goals through
negotiation.
* To prepare the ground for this, Arafat created contact for the
first time with Israeli personalities who could make an impact
on public opinion and on government policy in Israel. His
emissaries (Said Hamami and Issam Sartawi) met with Israeli
public figures, the peace pioneers who in 1975 established
the �Israeli Council for Israeli-Palestinian Peace�.
* These contacts, as well as the growing fatigue felt by the
Israelis of the Intifadah, the Jordanian withdrawal from the
West Bank, changing international conditions (the collapse of
the Communist Bloc, the Gulf War) led to the Madrid
Conference and, later, to the Oslo Agreement.
The Oslo Agreement
* The Oslo Agreement had positive and negative features.
* On the positive side, this agreement brought Israel to its first
official recognition of the Palestinian People and its national
leadership and brought the National Palestinian Movement to
its recognition of the existence of Israel. In this respect the
agreement (and the exchange of letters that preceded it) were
of paramount historical significance.
* In effect, the agreement gave the National Palestinian
Movement a territorial base on Palestinian land, the structure
of a �state in the making� and armed forces � facts that would
play an important role in the ongoing Palestinian struggle.
For the Israelis, the agreement opened the gates to the Arab
world and put an end to Palestinian attacks � as long as the
agreement was effective.
* The most substantive flaw in the agreement was that both
sides hoped to achieve entirely different objectives. The
Palestinians saw it as a temporary agreement paving the way
to the end of the occupation, the establishment of a
Palestinian State in all the occupied territories. On the other
hand, the respective Israeli governments regarded it as a way
to maintain the occupation in large sections of the West Bank
and the Gaza Strip, with the Palestinian self-government
filling the role of an auxiliary security agency protecting Israel
and the settlements.
* Therefore, Oslo did not represent the beginning of the
process to end the conflict but, rather, another new phase of
the conflict.
* Because the expectations of both sides were so divergent
and each remained entirely bound to its own national
�narrative�, every section of the agreement was interpreted
differently. Ultimately, many parts of the agreement were not
carried out, mainly by Israel (the third withdrawal, the four
safe passages, and others).
* Throughout the period of the �Oslo Process� Israel continued
its vigorous expansion of the settlements, primarily by
creating new ones under various guises, expanding existing
ones, building an elaborate network �bypass� roads,
expropriating land, demolishing houses and uprooting
plantations etc. The Palestinians, for their part, used the time
to build their strength, both within the framework of the
agreement and without it. In fact, the historical confrontation
continued unabated under the guise of negotiations and the
�Peace Process�, which became a proxy for actual peace.
* In contradistinction to his image, which became more
pronounced after his assassination, Yitzhak Rabin kept the
conflict alive �in the field�, while simultaneously managing
the political process to achieve peace, on Israeli terms. As he
was a disciple of the Zionist �narrative� and accepted its
mythology, he suffered from cognitive dissonance when his
hopes for peace clashed with his conceptual world. It
appears that he began to internalize some parts of the
Palestinian historical narrative only at the very end of his life.
* The case of Shimon Peres is much more severe. He created
for himself an international image of a peacemaker and even
designed his language to reflect this image (�the New Middle
East�) while remaining essentially a traditional Zionist hawk.
This became clear in the short and violent period that he
served as Prime Minister after the assassination of Rabin and,
again, in his current acceptance of the role of spokesman and
apologist for Sharon.
* The clearest expression of the Israeli dilemma was provided
by Ehud Barak, who came to power completely convinced of
his ability to cut the Gordian knot of the historical conflict in
one dramatic stroke, in the fashion of Alexander the Great.
Barak approached the issue in total ignorance of the
Palestinian narrative, showing utter contempt for its
importance. He presented his proposals as ultimatums and
was appalled and enraged by their rejection.
* In his own eyes and in the eyes of Israel as a whole, Barak
�turned every stone� and made the Palestinians �more
generous offers than any previous Prime Minister�. In
exchange, he wanted the Palestinians to lend their signatures
to �an end to the conflict�. The Palestinians considered this
preposterous, since Barak was effectively asking them to
relinquish their basic national aspiration, such as the Right of
Return and sovereignty in East Jerusalem and the Temple
Mount. Moreover, while Barak presented the claims for the
annexation of territories as matter of negligible percentages
(�Settlement Blocs�), according to Palestinian calculations
this amounted to an actual annexation of 20% of the land
beyond the Green Line.
* In the Palestinian view, they had already made the decisive
compromise by agreeing to establish their State beyond the
Green Line, in merely 22% of their historical homeland.
Therefore, they could only accept minor border changes in
the context of territorial swaps. The traditional Israeli
position is that the achievements of the war of 1948 are
established facts that cannot be disputed and the
compromise required must focus on the remaining 22%.
* As with most terms and concepts, the word �concession� has
different meanings for both sides. The Palestinians believe
that they already �conceded� 78% of their land when they
agreed to accept 22% of it. The Israelis believe that they are
�conceding� when they agree to �give� the Palestinians parts
of those same 22% (the West Bank and the Gaza Strip).
* The Camp David Summit in the summer of 2000, which was
imposed on Arafat against his will, was premature and
brought things to a climax. Barak�s demands, presented at
the summit as Clinton�s, were that the Palestinians: agree to
end the conflict by relinquishing the Right of Return and the
Return itself; accept complicated arrangements for East
Jerusalem and the Temple Mount without achieving
sovereignty over them; agree to large territorial annexations
in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and to an Israeli military
presence in other large areas and to Israeli control over the
borders separating the Palestinian State from the rest of the
world. No Palestinian leader would ever sign such an
agreement and thus the summit ended in deadlock and the
termination of the careers of Clinton and Barak.
The El Aqsa Intifadah
71. The breakdown of the summit, the elimination of any
hope for an agreement between the two sides and the
unconditional pro-Israeli stance of the Americans, inevitably
led to another round of violent confrontations, which earned
the title of �The al-Aqsa Intifadah�. For the Palestinians, it is a
justified national uprising against the protracted occupation,
which has no end in sight and allows continual, daily pulling
out of their land from under their feet. For the Israelis, ht is
an outburst of murderous terrorism. The perpetrators of
these acts appear to the Palestinians as national heroes and
to the Israelis as merciless criminals who must be liquidated.
* The official media in Israel no longer mention settlers but
speak of �residents� upon whom any attack is a crime against
civilians. The Palestinians consider the settlers the forefront
of a dangerous enemy force whose intention is to dispossess
them of their land and who must be defeated.
* A great part of the Israeli �Peace Camp� collapsed during the
al-Aqsa Intifadah and it turns out that many of its convictions
were shallow. Especially after Barak had �turned every stone�
and made �more generous offers than any previous Prime
Minister, Palestinian behavior was incomprehensible to this
part of the �Peace Camp�, since it had never performed a
thorough revision of the Zionist �narrative� and did not
internalize the fact that there is a Palestinian �narrative� too.
The only remaining explanation was that the Palestinians had
deceived the Israeli Peace Camp, that they had never
intended to make peace and that their true purpose is to
throw the Jews into the sea, as the Zionist right has always
claimed.
* As a result, the dividing line between the Zionist �right� and
�left� disappeared. The leaders of the Labor Party joined the
Sharon Government and became his most effective
apologists (Shimon Peres) and even the formal leftist
opposition (Yossi Sarid) took part. This again proves that the
Zionist narrative is the decisive factor unifying all factions of
the political system in Israel, making the distinctions between
Rehavam Zeevi and Avraham Burg, Yitzhak Levi and Yossi
Sarid insignificant.
* There is a notable decline in the Palestinian willingness to
reopen a dialogue with the Israeli peace forces. This is a
consequence of the utter disappointment with the �leftist
government� which had inspired so much hope after the
Netanyahu years, as well as a consequence of the fact that
apart from the voice of small radical peace groups, no Israeli
outrage at the brutal reactions of the occupation forces has
been heard. The tendency to tighten ranks, typical of any
nation in a war of liberation, makes it possible for the extreme
nationalistic and religious forces on the Palestinian side to
veto any attempt at Israeli-Palestinian cooperation.
A New Peace Camp
* The breakdown of the old peace camp necessitates the
creation of a new Israeli peace camp that will be real, up-to-
date, effective and strong, that can influence the Israeli public
and bring about a complete re-evaluation of the old axioms in
order to effect a change in the Israeli political system.
* To do so, the new peace camp must lead public opinion
towards a brave reassessment of the national �narrative� and
rid it of false myths. It must strive to unite the historical
versions of both peoples into a single �narrative�, free from
historical deceptions, which will be acceptable to both sides.
* While doing this it must also make the Israeli public aware
that along with all the beautiful and positive aspects of the
Zionist enterprise, a terrible injustice was done to the
Palestinian people. This injustice, which peaked during the
�Naqba�, obliges us to assume responsibility and correct as
much of it as is possible.
* With a new understanding of the past and the present, the
new peace camp must formulate a peace plan based on the
following principles:
* An independent and free Palestinian State will be
established alongside Israel.
* ThGreen Line will be the border between the two
States. If agreed between the two sides, limited
territorial exchanges may be possible.
* The Israeli settlements will be evacuated from the
territory of the Palestinian State.
* The border between the two States will be open to the
movement of people and goods, subject to
arrangements made by mutual agreement.
* Jerusalem will be the capital of both States � West
Jerusalem the capital of Israel and East Jerusalem
capital of Palestine. The State of Palestine will have
complete sovereignty in East Jerusalem, including the
Haram al-Sharif (the Temple Mount). The State of Israel
will have complete sovereignty in West Jerusalem,
including the Western Wall and the Jewish Quarter.
Both States will reach agreement on the unity of the
city on the physical, municipal level.
* Israel will recognize, in principle, the Palestinian Right
of Return as an inalienable human right. The practical
solution to the problem will come about by agreement
based on just, fair and practical considerations and will
include return to the territory of the State of Palestine,
return to the State of Israel and compensation.
* The water resources will be controlled jointly and
allocated by agreement, equally and fairly.
* A security agreement between the two States will
ensure the security of both and take into consideration
the specific security needs of Israel as well as of
Palestine.
* Israel and Palestine will cooperate with other States in
the region, to establish a Middle Eastern community,
modeled on the European Union.
* The signing of a Peace agreement and its honest
implementation in good faith will lead to a historical
reconciliation between the two nations, based on equality,
cooperation and mutual respect.
Drafted by Uri Avnery and submitted by Gush Shalom for public debate.
If you generally agree with the spirit of this document � please send
comments and remarks. Gush Shalom � {mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
}[EMAIL PROTECTED] P.O.Box
3322, Tel-Aviv 61033. Hebrew and English versions can be downloaded
from {http://www.gush-shalom.org }www.gush-shalom.org . Please help us to finance this
campaign by
sending a check to Gush Shalom.
------- Forwarded message follows -------
From: "Gush Shalom (Israeli Peace Bloc)" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date sent: Tue, 4 Jun 2002 03:51:04 +0200
Subject: [GushShalomBillboard] Busy week marking 35 years to the
occupation
Send reply to: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Priority: normal
//=//=//=//=//=//=//=//=//
// Gush Shalom Billboard //
//=//=//=//=//=//=//=//=//
NB: The two Gush Shalom actions marking 35 years of occupation - the Friday vigil at
the Rabin Memorial TA & the Saturday morning solidarity visit - were announced with
wrong dates. We include the corrected version in this billboard.
[In billboard we include announcements received from other
organizations. For more information, approach them - not us.]
[1] Gush Shalom actions marking 35 years of occupation (corrected version)
[2] Knesset on Tues./Jabel Mukaber
[3] Peace Now Activity for the 35 Year to the Occupation
[4] Ride a Bus & Demonstrate
[5] Demonstration at Ansar Prison, Friday June 7th
[1] Gush Shalom actions marking 35 years of occupation (corrected version)
[English after Hebrew]
������ ��� ���� ������ ���� ��� ���� ������� ������
������
� - ����� ��� ������� ���� ���� (������ ������) ���
�����
����� ��� ������ � ���� �� ���� �����
�������
������ ���� ���� 7.6.2002 ���� 2.30
������
�- ���� ��� 8.6.2002 ������� ����� �� ���� �������
�������
���� ������� �� ����� ��� ���������, �������
��������
������ ���� ������� ������� ����� ��� ����� �����.
������
���� �� �� ����� �������� ��������� ����� ��� �����
���
���� �� ������ �������.
������ ����� �� ����� �����. ����� ����
�����.
GUSH SHALOM ACTIVITIES MARKING 35 YEARS OF OCCUPATION
On Friday, June 7., 2002, at 2.30 PM, we will hold a vigil near the monument on
Rabin
Square, Tel � Aviv (behind the town hall) under the slogan:
ARAFAT IS THE PARTNER � YES TO THE SAUDI PEACE PROPOSAL
On Saturday mroning, June 8, a visit is planned to a Palestinian area whose
inhabitants
suffered recently from both the army and the settlers, and who are threatened by the
current plans implemented by the occupation authorities. The details of this plan are
not yet final; we will update you soon.
Contact: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[2] Knesset on Tues./Jabel Mukaber
------- Forwarded message follows -------
From: "Rabbis for Human Rights" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date sent: Mon, 3 Jun 2002 19:37:23 +0200
English Follows Hebrew
������ ����,
��� ��� ������ ��� ����� ����� ��� (��� �') ���� 14:00 ������ ����� �������
���� ������� ����� �������. ������ ���� ���� ���� ������ ���� ����� �� �������
������� �������� ����� ����� ����. ���� ������ ��� ���,�"� ����� ����� �����
���� ���� ���. ������ �� ��� ������ ������ ����� ���'. ������ ������ �� ����
������ ������� �������� ����, ����� ����� �������� ������� ������ ������ ������
������� ����� ������ �������.
2. ��� ����� ����� ���� ����� ����, ��� ���� ����� ���"� ���� ������
������� ������ �'��� ����� �� ��� ����� ������ ������ ����� �������. �����
����� ������ ���� �� �����, ��� �� ���� ��� ���� �� ����� ������� ����. ��
������ ����� ���/� �������/� ����� ����� ���, ����� ���� ������ ����� ����
Dear Members and Friends,
1. We are again asking those who can to come to the Knesset tomorrow at
14:00 to attend a meeting of the Extraordinary Committee on the Emergency
Economic Plan. We discoverd today that the Committee held a discussion
about the cuts aimed at the unemployed yesterday instead of as scheduled
today. After we made a made some waves about this MK Weitzman agreed to put
this on the agenda along with the cuts in child payments tomorrow at 14:00. Call
in order to arrange entry passes, etc. The Labor committee today demanded at
the emergency meeting that the parts of the emergency plan dealing with
unemployment should be transferred to the Labor Committee.
2. We are waiting to hear later this evening whether there will be a High
Court appeal tomorrow regarding the beginning of work to build a Jewish
neighborhood in Jabel Mukaber. We are still gathering info, but there is a
serious question as to whether or there are permits for this work. Pleace call
if you might be available to come to the High Court tomorrow if there is an
appeal.
B'Vrakha,
Arik
Rabbis For Human Rights
Tel. 972 2 563-7731
Mobile 972 50607034
[3] Peace Now Activity for the 35 Year to the Occupation
------- Forwarded message follows -------
From: Didi Remez <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
����� ������,
��������, ���� ����� �����, 5/6 ��� ����� 35 ���� ����� ������ ������.
������ ������ �� ��� ����� ���� �-35 ��� ��� ����� �� ��� �����.
����� ����� ����� ����� ����� ���������, ��� ���� ��-�� ���� 16:15, ���
��:
*
�����, �� �����, 16:15
*
��� �����, ������, 16:25
*
��� ���, ���, 16:40
��������� ���� �� ����� ����� ��� ���� ���� �: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
�� ������ ������ ���� ����� 5663291-03, 405157-054
���� �������� !
Dear friends
We would like to remind you all our activity on Wednesday, June 5 for
the 35 year to the Israeli occupation in the territories. We are
planning to plant 35 Olive trees and remark the green line.
Transportation from the train station (El-Al terminal) at 16:15.
*
Ra'anana, Yad Lebanim; 16:15
*
Hod Hashron, Municipality; 16:25
*
Kfar Saba, Eged; 16:40
Please confirm your seats in the buses by sending e-mail to:
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
or call the Peace Now offices: 03-5663291, 054-405157
Join Us !
[4] Ride a Bus & Demonstrate
------- Forwarded message follows -------
From: bat shalom <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Ride a bus and demonstrate ... all at once --
What: A traveling protest demonstration, prior to the big event on
Saturday
Where: Starting from 4 locations in Israel
When: This Saturday, 8 June, from 14:00
Details: Prior to the Coalition's big demonstration this Saturday
evening in Jerusalem, buses will leave from 4 locations in Israel
carrying banners that call for an end to the occupation. The buses will
wend their way through the cities, villages, beaches, and shopping malls
of Israel, stopping to pick up passengers and distribute flyers. They
will reach Jerusalem at 18:30 in time for the evening demonstration, and
return you home after it is over.
Note:
1. Please wear black - also for the demonstration in Jerusalem.
2. Bus reservations are not required. To arrange for a special stop
near you, call the contact person for the bus route nearest you.
3. If you are from other peace or human rights organizations, you are
invited to distribute your own material from the buses.
Routes (Departure point at 14:00):
Details and additional stops will be announced as they come in.
Depart from Acre (the Acre-Haifa sherut opposite Egged): Travel through
the Western Galilee. Contact Nabeha at (04) 996-1631.
Depart from Haifa (Kikar Sollel Boneh, beside Migdal HaNevi'im): 14:30
Haifa beach, 15:30 Givat Olga gas station on Kvish Hahof, 15:45 Shfeyim
shopping center. Contact Edna at (054) 691-995
Depart from Nazareth (opposite Beit HaYedidut on Paul VI Street):
Travel through Wadi Ara and other locations. Contact Samira or Yehudit
at (052) 353-324.
Depart from Tel-Aviv (El-Al Terminal at the North Train Station):
Travel through the Tel-Aviv beach and other locations. Contact to be
announced. Meanwhile, call Gila (053) 334 986.
Who's invited: Women, men and children who oppose the occupation.
Who: Organized by the Coalition of Women for a Just Peace, but women
and men all over are invited.
For more information: Gila (053) 334 986.
*******************************
Coalition of Women for a Just Peace:
[5] Demonstration at Ansar Prison, Friday June 7th
------- Forwarded message follows -------
From: "Ta'ayush Arab-Jewish" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
������ ������ ��� ���� ����� �����-������
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�����.
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�����
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����.
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�����: ������, ����� ���� (����� ����� �� �� ����� ����� �������), �������� ? �����.
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�����.
������� ������ ���� ���� ���, ����� ������� �� ����� ��, ������� ���� ���� �����
�����.
���
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��� ����� �� �����
����� �
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����� �� ������ ����� ������� ������ ���� ���� �����, �� ���� �����, ��
�������. ���� �� ������� ���� �� ������. ����� ����� ������ ����� ������� ������
����� ����� �����, ������� ��� ������ ����� �����. ��� �����
����� ��
�����: �� ����� ����� ������.
Demonstration in front of Ansar (Ketsi'ot) Detention Camp
On Friday, June 7th, Ta'ayush and the Association of the Prisoner will hold a
demonstration in front of Ansar detention camp.
We will express our solidarity with the detainees and prisoners, demanding to deliver
personal parcels and a delegation of lawyers.
We will demonstrate against administrative detention and political arrests at the
place
which has become the symbol of oppression ? Ansar detention permise, which has
been recently reopened. We will protest against 35 years of occupation at the gates to
the detention camp, at the end of the Negev, another place where the occupation is
perpetuated day by day, far away from our eyes.
All the Left organizations, as well as Va?adat Hama?akav, are invited to the
demonstration.
Details about transportation and the collection of items for the parcels will be given
as
soon as possible.
Background:
Thousands of Palestinians are detained in military detention facilities. They are
concentrated in great density, suffer from hunger and hardly have any contact with the
outside world. Some of their families still don?t know where they are or what has
become of them, and they cannot see a lawyer.
Hundreds of people are held in administrative detention: they don't know why they were
arrested, and actually they are not suspected of anything specific. They don't have
even a trial to wait for.
Many have been arrested in mass arrests - the army concentrated all men in their
villages and towns and took them for detention in Megido, Ofer base, and Ktsi'ot
detention camp ? Ansar. Some were taken from their homes in the middle of the night
with only their underwear on.
The detainees eat very little and very poorly, sleep in tents on wooden bunks, and
suffer from heat during the day and cold at night. Medical care is insufficient,
sanitation
is poor, and no newspapers in Arabic are available.
The voice of Humanitarian and Human Rights organizations is ignored by the courts
and the media. The detainees? suffering is unseen to the public eye. The State of
Israel is selling to the world and to its citizens a moral and righteous
image,
while hiding
dark deeds. But we see in the dark: we will not shut our eyes.
______________________________________________________
NB: Gush Shalom is one of these days going to change listserver.
+ = + = + = + = + = + = + = + = + = + = + = + = + = + = + = + =
By moving all addresses to the mailman listserver cooperative things should become
easier AND better.
- Since the Gush Shalom lists can now be unified there should be less problems of
receiving things double.
- You will be able to adjust the way you receive Gush Shalom mail (as digest, or each
mail separately), and also unsubscribing as well as interrupting the mails during a
holiday should become self-service - by simply sending a specific request.
- Last but not least: there will be no advertizing anymore, and a guarantee that the
addresses on the list cannot be kidnapped for commercial spamming.
+ = + = + = + = + = +
------- End of forwarded message -------
Attachments: D:\CIA DRUGS\Israel\80points_eng[1].rtf
------- End of forwarded message -------
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