-Caveat Lector- >From http://www.usatoday.com/news/washdc/2002/06/14/usat-rummy-powell.htm
}}}>Begin 06/13/2002 - Updated 09:18 PM ET Rivalry can make U.S. policy look shaky By Barbara Slavin, USA TODAY WASHINGTON — At the Pentagon, they call them "snowflakes" — a blizzard of memos from Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld to his staff. But Rumsfeld also blankets the State Department with unsolicited advice that irked diplomats deride as "Rummygrams." Rumsfeld's memos, which he sometimes sends to Secretary of State Colin Powell or directly to President Bush, undercut State Department views, Powell aides complain. One questioned whether Powell should maintain a dialogue with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, whom Rumsfeld distrusts. Another expressed concern that the State Department was trying to rehabilitate Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi. The controversial "Rummygrams" are a telling sign of the biggest struggle in the Bush administration. Donald Rumsfeld and Colin Powell are the most powerful members of President Bush's Cabinet. But they often disagree, and no one in the Bush White House seems able to steer the two men toward a comfortable consensus, administration officials say. The result: Bush, an inexperienced hand in foreign policy, often appears to vacillate on critical issues ranging from how to achieve peace in the Middle East to whether to wage war against Iraq. Such wavering contributes to a perception of confusion that worries U.S. allies and could fracture the coalition Bush has assembled to fight the war on terrorism, critics say. New conflict surfaces The latest example of dissension surfaced this week, when the White House undercut Powell by distancing itself from his comments that the administration might recognize a fledgling Palestinian state, a concession to Arafat opposed by Pentagon officials. "I'm struck by Bush's unwillingness to force his administration to come to closure," says William Kristol, chief of staff to the first President Bush's vice president, Dan Quayle. "There is a real difference of world view that goes beyond Iraq and that has been brought to a head by the events of Sept. 11. Administrations benefit from debate, but it is now hurting the administration to have the debate out there unresolved." "They are two 800-pound gorillas," adds Kenneth Duberstein, a Powell confidant and Ronald Reagan's chief of staff when Powell was national security adviser. "They are not fighting for the same mate. They are focused on what each thinks is the right policy for George W. Bush and the country." State Department officials grouse that "Rummygrams" land on their desks at least once a week, sometimes with newspaper clippings and questions attached. One included an article that suggested the State Department favored lifting sanctions against Libya, and asked, "Is this true?" Another urged giving Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon a free hand to curb Palestinian terrorism. "When do they do the Defense stuff?" says an annoyed senior State Department official who did not want to be named. At the Pentagon, staffers working for Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith, an advocate of military force to oust Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein, concede they are at war with the State Department. They say Powell is too cautious and that the United States must take risks to prevent another catastrophic terrorist attack. State Department spokesman Richard Boucher downplays talk of a Powell- Rumsfeld feud. The two men are "friends of long standing and believe their job is to serve the president by having an open debate on the issues," he says. Bryan Whitman, a Defense Department spokesman, says his boss "has been asked about this (conflict with Powell) several times and calls this nonsense." But privately, supporters of the two men say they're frustrated with the day- to-day battles and the unwillingness or inability of the White House to settle debates. Sharp contrasts The different worldviews that Powell and Rumsfeld hold are matched by sharply contrasting backgrounds and personalities. Powell, 65, is an up-by-the-bootstraps American success story who spent most of his career in the Army. Considered one of Washington's most charismatic figures, Powell is viewed by many conservatives as the administration's lonesome dove, a moderate who favors negotiated solutions to global conflicts. Rumsfeld, 69, who was born into a family of wealth and privilege, is a savvy veteran of the political and corporate worlds. Known for his abrasive manner, Rumsfeld is the administration's chief hawk who doesn't shy from situations that could require U.S. military might. Among their disputes: Iraq. Powell came into office pursuing a policy of "smarter sanctions" that would continue to contain Iraq's development of dangerous weapons but ease the humanitarian crisis afflicting Iraqis. Rumsfeld pushed to draft a plan for overthrowing Saddam even before Sept. 11. Bush seemed to side with his Defense chief by vowing to oust Saddam. After protests in the Arab world against an attack on Iraq, Bush softened his rhetoric for a few months, but lately, he's been talking tough again. State and Defense also disagree over which Iraqi groups should lead the opposition to Saddam. Middle East. Powell says more active U.S. diplomacy to help Palestinians achieve independence will help curb violence in the region. Rumsfeld supports a tough Israeli response to terrorist bombings. Bush, who tried for more than a year to stay out of the conflict, reluctantly sent Powell to the region in April. But Bush hasn't put much pressure on Israel to end retaliatory strikes in Palestinian territories and has refused to meet Arafat. A peace conference Powell said would be held this summer has been downgraded by the White House to a "meeting." North Korea. From the start of the administration, Powell has pushed to hold talks with North Korea to encourage it to end its self-isolation and improve ties with South Korea. Rumsfeld sees North Korea as a dangerous regime that is seeking to develop nuclear weapons. Bush first ruled out talks, then switched and agreed to hold them, but interagency bickering has delayed the start of a dialogue. Libya. If Libya compensates relatives of the victims of Pan Am 103 and admits responsibility for the bombing in 1988 over Lockerbie, Scotland, the State Department is likely to support an easing of U.S. sanctions and might recommend that Libya be taken off a U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism. Rumsfeld worries about Libya's possible pursuit of chemical and biological weapons and opposes any rewards for Gadhafi. Bush hasn't announced a decision on what to do. Russia. Powell pushed for a binding agreement on arms reductions and changes in the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty to allow missile- defense tests, so Bush would not have to withdraw from the accord. Rumsfeld persuaded Bush to reject the ABM Treaty rather than amend it, but he failed to convince the president to forgo a new arms reduction treaty with Russia. Friendship with an edge After some early setbacks, Powell is winning several policy battles, as increased Israeli-Palestinian bloodshed and fears of a nuclear confrontation in South Asia have forced Bush to get more engaged in diplomacy and postpone military action against Iraq. Despite their rivalry, Powell and Rumsfeld have tried to maintain a cordial relationship. Powell and his wife dined at Rumsfeld's home in May, a Powell friend says. But there is an edge to the way they interact that goes beyond what Powell's friend calls "towel-snapping, locker room" jousting. Rumsfeld, a Princeton graduate who exudes self-assuredness, has been overheard correcting Powell's pronunciation of Afghanistan's capital, KA-bul, which Powell pronounces Ka-BUL. Rumsfeld also has poked fun at Powell, a City College of New York alumnus and son of Jamaican immigrants, for calling Afghans "Afghanis." At a joint news conference in Australia last summer, Rumsfeld quipped that their only policy differences were over "those few cases where Colin is still learning." Powell noted Rumsfeld's reluctant moves toward more dovish State Department positions in dealing with North Korea and China, and shot back, "Who's teaching who?" Still, some foreign policy experts draw parallels between the Bush and Reagan administrations. They say President Reagan's failure to stem a rivalry between Defense secretary Caspar Weinberger and Secretary of State George Shultz contributed to the Iran-contra scandal in 1986, when the United States secretly sold weapons to Iran and used the profits to illegally fund anti-communist guerrillas in Nicaragua. "The personal venom under Reagan far exceeded what you have today," says Raymond Tanter, a member of the National Security Council under Reagan. "But from an ideological standpoint, this is a more intense conflict." Powerful allies In Powell's camp, administration sources say, is CIA Director George Tenet, who has become one of Bush's top advisers. Tenet has direct access to the president and holds views close to Powell on Iraq and the Arab-Israeli dispute. Rumsfeld has his own influential allies, including Vice President Cheney, who succeeded Rumsfeld as President Ford's chief of staff. Some foreign leaders express concern about how State-Pentagon clashes will eventually play out. In a recent interview with USA TODAY, Jordan's King Abdullah voiced alarm about a possible invasion of Iraq. Abdullah said he was worried that Powell's efforts to move forward on a Palestinian- Israeli peace plan would be undercut by Pentagon officials who prefer to see Israel impose a military solution to the conflict. "A lot depends on how well supported the secretary of State is," the king said. "He knows what it takes. He needs a clear mandate in order to move forward." White House officials say the president is comfortable receiving conflicting advice from Powell and Rumsfeld and can be decisive when necessary. But critics say his job is made more difficult because his national security adviser, Condoleezza Rice, has trouble forging compromises between Powell and Rumsfeld. "No one really knows where Rice and Bush come down at the end of the day," says Geoffrey Kemp, a member of Reagan's National Security Council staff and now an expert at the Nixon Center, a Washington think tank. "But they are smart enough to know that most of the rest of the world is rooting for Colin Powell." Contributing: Jonathan Weisman Front Page News Money Sports Life Tech Weather Shop Terms of service Privacy Policy How to advertise About us © Copyright 2002 USA TODAY, a division of Gannett Co. Inc. 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