-Caveat Lector-

Published on Wednesday, July 17, 2002 in the Toronto Globe & Mail
Stop the U.S. Foul Play
by Lloyd Axworthy

Perverse as it may seem, we should be grateful to the Bush administration
for its recent clumsy efforts to undermine the International Criminal Court
just as it came into existence on July 1. The administration's maladroit use
of the United Nations Security Council to alter the terms of the Treaty of
Rome, the founding document of the Court, should be a wake-up call for all
those committed to building an international system based on a rule of law
and all who care about maintaining the United Nations as a credible
organization.

First, any illusion that the present U.S. administration might have a
smidgeon of respect for international treaties or multilateral co-operation
should be finally dispelled. The disdain of the Americans is palpable;
they'll resort to crude means to wreck any form of international
architecture with which they disagree.

The argument they made in demanding immunity from the ICC -- that this was
simply a way of protecting their peacekeepers -- was a false one, and they
know it. As Paul Heinbecker, Canada's permanent representative to the UN,
pointed out, the United States has all the safeguards it needs --
particularly the fact that the ICC is a jurisdiction of last resort.
This means that if any crime were committed by an American, be it by a
soldier stationed in Bosnia or by the Secretary of Defense in Washington,
then the U.S. justice system -- civilian courts or military tribunals --
would be entitled to prosecute the case. The ICC only comes into play when a
nation state is unwilling or incapable of exercising legal action against an
act of genocide or a crime against humanity, as defined in the treaty.
Unfortunately, this refutation of the Americans' oft-stated objection never
got the attention it deserved; too often, the media bought the false notion
that this was a jurisdictional dispute. The antagonism of Washington's
current rulers toward the ICC, and their reason for disavowing the Clinton
administration's signature on the Rome Treaty, is that they do not want to
be restrained by any limitation on their actions, including compliance with
international criminal law.

What's particularly shocking about this attitude is that it flies in the
face of all President George W. Bush's aims as set out in his campaign
against terrorism. We hear constantly that this a great battle between
forces of good and evil, of justice versus injustice. Yet rather than
embrace a genuine, broadly supported effort to construct a global system of
legal co-operation in investigating, capturing, prosecuting and
incarcerating international criminals including terrorists, the Bush
administration set out to emasculate such an institution.
That was bad enough. But the Americans compounded the damage inflicted on
the international multilateral system by their tactic of holding hostage the
renewal of a peacekeeping mission in the Balkans and subverting the role of
the Security Council. The so-called compromise arrived at by backroom deals
among the permanent five members of the council is frankly a cave-in to U.S.
demands.

And it sets two very dangerous precedents. First is the use of blackmail on
peacekeeping to achieve the purely self-interested objective of one of the
council's permanent members. Second, the compromise acquiesces to the
Security Council's questionable right to amend by interpretation a treaty
arrived at in open discussion by representatives of more than 100 nation
states in a founding convention. The compromise, giving a 12-month hoist to
any application of treaty provisions, abrogates the original intent of the
drafters. It does not protect the integrity of the Rome Statute, as claimed.
Fortunately, that position is not going unchallenged. Our ambassador at the
UN, supported by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Prime Minister, has
led the fight to preserve the validity of the court. Mr. Heinbecker was able
to obtain an open debate at the council and used that to expose U.S. myths
and mobilize opposition to the original and more blatant initiative to
achieve blanket immunity. It was Canadian diplomacy at its best.
And it must be continued by our seeking to invoke the engagement of the UN
General Assembly on this vital matter. The permanent five members have
sought by a sneaky procedural device in the wording of the compromise
resolution to keep the assembly out of the picture. But this position is not
impregnable; it's imperative that the assembly be seized of both the
inherent threat to future peacekeeping missions and the erosion of the ICC
that the council decision entails.

In fact, there's now an opportunity to institute even further reform. The
time has come to begin working toward the democratization of the Security
Council by insisting that all members be elected. The UN cannot be credible
when its decisions are so dominated by a small, unaccountable elite of
states that do not represent the full interests of the world -- especially
when the Security Council's permanent members use their privileged position
to eviscerate the Charter of the United Nations.
While that monumental task is under way the role of the General Assembly
needs to be asserted and enhanced.

A good place to start is by building a capacity for peacekeeping that
doesn't rely on the Americans. One irony of their indignant stand against
the ICC having jurisdiction over peacekeepers is that, of the 45,000
peacekeepers serving in UN missions, only 745 are supplied by the United
States. Where the Americans do have an edge is in transport, logistics and
intelligence-gathering. Canada should co-operate with the Europeans to
develop those capacities, so that the next time the Americans want to play
hardball, the rest of the world can tell them to take their ball and go
home.

The International Criminal Court needs careful stewardship, attention,
resources and support during this critical start-up period. We know it faces
an implacable foe in the present U.S. administration. This is all

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