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http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A4544-2002Aug27.html

 Double Standards Make Enemies

 By Salman Rushdie

 On Sept. 5 and 6 the State Department will host a high-powered conference on 
anti-Americanism, an unusual step indicating the depth of American concern about this 
increasingly globalized phenomenon. Anti-Americanism can be mere shallow name-calling. 
A recent article in Britain's Guardian newspaper described Americans as having "a bug 
up their collective arse the size of Manhattan" and suggested that " 'American' is a 
type of personality which is intense, humourless, partial to psychobabble and utterly 
convinced of its own importance." More seriously, anti-Americanism can be 
contradictory: When the United States failed to intervene in Bosnia, that was 
considered wrong, but when it did subsequently intervene in Kosovo, that was wrong 
too. Anti-Americanism can be hypocritical: wearing blue jeans or Donna Karan, eating 
fast food or Alice Waters-style cuisine, their heads full of American music, movies, 
poetry and literature, the apparatchiks of the international cultural commissariat 
decry the baleful influence of the American culture that nobody is forcing them to 
consume. It can be misguided; the logical implication of the Western-liberal 
opposition to America's Afghan war is that it would be better if the Taliban were 
still in power. And it can be ugly; the post-Sept. 11 crowing of the serves-you-right 
brigade was certainly that.

 However, during the past year the Bush administration has made a string of foreign 
policy miscalculations, and the State Department conference must acknowledge this. 
After the brief flirtation with consensus-building during the Afghan operation, the 
United States' brazen return to unilateralism has angered even its natural allies. The 
Republican grandee James Baker has warned President Bush not to go it alone, at least 
in the little matter of effecting a "regime change" in Iraq.

 In the year's major crisis zones, the Bushies have been getting things badly wrong. 
According to a Security Council source, the reason for the United Nations' lamentable 
inaction during the recent Kashmir crisis was that the United States (with Russian 
backing) blocked all attempts by member states to mandate the United Nations to act. 
But if the United Nations is not to be allowed to intervene in a bitter dispute 
between two member states, both nuclear powers of growing political volatility, in an 
attempt to defuse the danger of nuclear war, then what on Earth is it for? Many 
observers of the problems of the region will also be wondering how long 
Pakistani-backed terrorism in Kashmir will be winked at by America because of 
Pakistan's support for the "war against terror" on its other frontier. Many Kashmiris 
will be angry that their long-standing desire for an autonomous state is being ignored 
for the sake of U.S. realpolitik. And as the Pakistani dictator Pervez Musharraf 
seizes more and more power and does more and more damage to his country's 
constitution, the U.S. government's decision to go on hailing him as a champion of 
democracy does more damage to America's already shredded regional credibility.

 Nor is Kashmir the only South Asian grievance. The massacres in the Indian state of 
Gujarat, mostly of Indian Muslims by fundamentalist Hindu mobs, have been shown to be 
the result of planned attacks led by Hindu political organizations. But in spite of 
testimony presented to a congressional commission, the U.S. administration has done 
nothing to investigate U.S.-based organizations that are funding these groups, such as 
the  World Hindu Council. Just as American Irish fundraisers once bankrolled the 
terrorists of the Provisional IRA, so, now, shadowy bodies across America are helping 
to pay for mass murder in India, while the U.S. government turns a blind eye. Once 
again, the supposedly high-principled rhetoric of the "war against terror" is being 
made to look like a smoke screen for a highly selective pursuit of American vendettas.

 Apparently Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein are terrorists who matter; Hindu 
fanatics and Kashmiri killers aren't. This double standard makes enemies.

 In the heat of the dispute over Iraq strategy, South Asia has become a sideshow. 
(America's short attention span creates enemies, too.) And it is in Iraq that George 
W. Bush may be about to make his biggest mistake, and to unleash a generation-long 
plague of anti-Americanism that could make the present epidemic look like a time of 
rude good health.

 Inevitably, the reasons lie in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Like it or not, much 
of the world thinks of Israel as the 51st state, America's client and surrogate, and 
Bush's obvious rapport with Ariel Sharon does nothing to change the world's mind. Of 
course the suicide bombings are vile, but until America persuades Israel to make a 
lasting settlement with the Palestinians, anti-American feeling will continue to rise; 
and if, in the present highly charged atmosphere, the United States does embark on the 
huge, risky military operation suggested Monday by Vice President Dick Cheney, then 
the result may very well be the creation of that united Islamic force that was bin 
Laden's dream. Saudi Arabia would almost certainly feel obliged to expel U.S. forces 
from its soil (thus capitulating to one of bin Laden's main demands). Iran -- which so 
recently fought a long, brutal war against Iraq -- would surely support its erstwhile 
enemy, and might even come into the conflict on the Iraqi side.

 The entire Arab world would be radicalized and destabilized. What a disastrous twist 
of fate it would be if the feared Islamic jihad were brought into being not by the al 
Qaeda gang but by the president of the United States and his close advisers.

 Do those close advisers include Colin Powell, who clearly prefers diplomacy to war? 
Or is the State Department's foregrounding of the issue of anti-Americanism a means of 
providing hard evidence to support the Powell line and undermining the positions of 
the hawks to whom Bush listens most closely? It seems possible. Paradoxically, a sober 
look at the case against America may serve American interests better than the 
patriotic "let's roll" arguments that are being trumpeted on every side.

 Salman Rushdie is the author of "Fury" and other novels.

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