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http://www.parascope.com/articles/0997/whitepaper.htm THE NEW WORLD ORDER Between 1983-1986, the British-born conspiracy theorist Antony Sutton wrote a series of pamphlets about the Order of Skull & Bones. According to informed sources, Sutton was one of several historians who were provided with a large file of the Order's internal documents, including minutes of some meetings, descriptions of rituals, and what would appear to be a rather complete list of its members from its founding through to the early 1980s. The short pamphlets were compiled into one volume and published as a book in 1986. For someone closely following the just-concluded Persian Gulf War and attempting to gain some insight into George Bush's performance during that largely orchestrated affair, one recurring theme in the Sutton volume stands out like a sore thumb: the New World Order. According to the Skull & Bones documents used by Sutton in his somewhat flawed profile of the Order, the creation of a New World Order is a primary goal of the Bonesmen and has been for decades. For the initiates into the Order, the term New World Order has a very specific meaning. It is a world dominated by American military power and American control over all strategic raw materials. Just as the Greek city-state of Sparta provided the Skull & Bones with the image of a WASP warrior caste, the Persian Empire, with its system of coalitions of satrap armies, provides the model for the Bonesmen's New World Order. The image of Secretary of State James A. Baker III traveling from foreign capital to foreign capital demanding military legions or chests of gold to finance the war for a New World Order is an image straight out of the chronicles of the Persian Empire. According to the recent biography of Henry Stimson, the man who inspired President Bush was firmly convinced that it was essential for America to go to war once every generation or so. It was, for Stimson, a spiritually cleansing process which enables the nation to rally behind a cause and overcome its weaknesses and shortcomings in one grand burst of military fervor. The romantic mystique of the purgative powers of combat is key to understanding the political philosophy of Skull & Bones. Although America's Vietnam debacle remains a bitter memory of the Bonesmen's failure in war, the recent Persian Gulf conflict, with its massive overkill and the use of highly advanced weapons and technologies, is now the new glorious symbol of the WASP warrior caste's reincarnation. When President Bush vowed that the Gulf War would not be another Vietnam, he was speaking first and foremost to his fellow Bonesmen -- not to the American people. If such thinking smacks of dangerous fantasy on the part of a major world power in the modern era, it is indeed. On a more practical political level, the Gulf War was a gambit to save the Bush presidency from a mounting pile of domestic financial woes, not the least of which was the savings and loan (S&L) crisis and a pending series of failures of major commercial banks. In the months preceding the Gulf showdown, the president's own son, Neil Bush, came under intense media scrutiny for his role in the failure of a large S&L in Colorado. Neil's photograph, testifying under oath before a congressional committee probing fraud among top S & L managers, became a familiar front-page feature in every major newspaper in America, threatening dangerous popular disillusion with the Yale Bonesman in the White House. With a U.S. federal government deficit projected at nearly a half a trillion dollars for Fiscal Year 1991, in large part because of the S&L crisis and a shrinking business tax base, the Democratic Party majority in the U.S. Congress was pressing for deep cutbacks in defense spending now that the Cold War had ended. On the international stage, the reunification of Germany, clearly the most dramatic event of 1990, posed new challenges to the Bush team. Germany was about to emerge as the dominant power in continental Europe by virtue of its advanced industrial infrastructure and its long tradition of independent political dealings with Moscow. Just months before the outbreak of the Gulf crisis, Germany's Chancellor Helmut Kohl had met with Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev and signed a long term economic assistance pact. As a result, Gorbachev dropped all remaining objections to the immediate reunification of Germany. At that point, the Bush administration changed its tactics. Previously, in sharp contrast to the Thatcher government in Great Britain, it had been nominally in favor of German reunification. But at the Houston economic summit of the Group of Seven Industrialized Countries in the summer of 1990, the United States blocked (with Britain) Germany's plan of unconditional economic aid to the Soviet Union. President Bush took the position that the Soviet Union must submit to International Monetary Fund requisites as a precondition for any substantive economic assistance. In the Far East, Japan's continuing growth in manufacturing also posed a threat to Washington's desire to retain superpower status. If President Bush and his Bonesmen coterie were unaware of a stunning historical analogy, their British "cousins" were quick to pick up on the parallels between the global strategic situation in July 1990 and the identical international situation that existed 100 years earlier. In the 1890s, France, under the brilliant political leadership of Foreign Minister Gabriel Hanataux, was attempting to forge a Eurasian alliance with Germany, Russia and Meiji Japan. The idea was to link continental Europe with Japan and China through a series of large overland infrastructure projects, beginning with the Trans-Siberian Railroad. Through treaties covering key areas of economic and security matters, Hanataux hoped to create a zone of prosperity, built on a foundation of rapid economic growth and extensive trade. Such a political-economic common interest alliance threatened the imperial hegemony of Great Britain. At the turn of the 20th century, Britain looked to the United States (as its English-speaking ally) to join in sabotaging the Hanataux plan. Through the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the Russo-Japanese War of 1905, Britain and her American junior partner (by then led by Henry Stimson's old mentor Teddy Roosevelt) managed to disrupt the French-German-Russian-Japanese economic axis. Two world wars and the Great Depression were the consequences of that interference. THE PERSIAN GULF WAR It was against this historical backdrop that President Bush, invoking the World War II imagery of his Skull & Bones idol Henry Stimson, went to war against Iraq. There is even speculation that President Bush was personally instrumental in luring Saddam Hussein into invading Kuwait, thereby provoking the American-led military response. Many news accounts have emphasized that a two-hour private meeting between the president and Margaret Thatcher in the Aspen, Colorado vacation chalet of U.S. Ambassador Henry Catto on August 2, 1990 helped finalize Bush's decision to immediately deploy military force. Recently, an astute Japanese analyst drew a disturbing parallel between Bush and FDR, who was greatly influenced by Stimson. According to the writer, FDR lured Japan into World War II through an intricate series of economic warfare maneuvers which left Japan with little choice but to strike-back. In much the same way, said the analyst, Bush had lured Saddam Hussein into Kuwait in order to launch a new Gulf War that would have consequences reaching far beyond Iraq and the Middle East. As a result of the military victory over Iraq, the United States is in the process of establishing a string of permanent military bases throughout the Persian Gulf and Near East. The oil sheikdoms of the region, led by Saudi Arabia, are now thoroughly dependent on the American military presence to ensure the survival of their regimes. The Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) is effectively captured by Washington. American bankers aided by U.S. gunboats now are setting world oil prices. Thus, one consequence of the Persian Gulf War is that the United States now has an oil weapon -- pointed principally at Germany and Japan. Ironically, America's two chief economic rivals have paid out a total of $27 billion to date to help finance a Bush administration military adventure which put the oil weapon in Washington's hand. Another telling example of how the Order's man in the Oval Office intends to administer a crumbling U.S. domestic economy while imposing the New World Order on the rest of the world is to be found in the recent buyout of the majority of stock in Citicorp, the largest U.S. commercial bank, by Saudi Prince Talal bin Abdul Aziz. Citicorp is one of the major American commercial banks on the verge of collapse, but which is considered by the Bush administration and the Federal Reserve System to be "too big to fall." The stock purchase amounted to a Saudi Royal Family bail-out of Citicorp, using the increased profits being enjoyed by the House of Saud as a result of the massive jump in Saudi oil production since the beginning of the Gulf crisis in August 1990. There points up a striking difference between the role of the United States in World War II and the Bush administration's handling to date of the Middle East crisis. During World War II, the United States went through a genuine economic revival. Skull & Bones historian Samuel Huntington described it as a "neo Hamiltonian" policy, a reference to the first United States Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton. Beginning in 1939, America became a major supplier of military and industrial goods under the Lend-Lease program to the European states fighting Hitler. At the same time, the federal government began issuing low-interest credits to revive the nation's manufacturing base which had been gutted by a decade of economic depression. The industrial buildup accelerated once the United States formally entered .World War II, leading to the establishing of entirely new industrial sectors, such as aerospace and petrochemicals. This time around -- at least to date -- there has been no such marshaling of the U.S. domestic industrial base. Despite moderate increases in the production of certain high-tech weapons systems, the U.S. economy continues its gradual slide into what could be a new depression. Unemployment is greater than at any point in the last decade. Some sociologists fear that the complete disintegration of America's urban centers could produce new race-riots as early as the summer of 1991. The single greatest challenge to George Bush and the Order is: Can they capitalize on the current revival of the American spirit to reverse the disastrous post-industrial society dogmas, and launch their own version of the World War II neo-Hamiltonian industrial recovery? So far, some doomsayers claim, it appears that Bush and his administration plan instead to direct their efforts at looting and blackmailing the rest of the world -- especially the gulf oil sheikdoms, Japan and Germany -- into bailing out the bankrupt U.S. financial houses and federal government and financing the posting of American-led foreign legions at every corner of the globe where there are large deposits of strategic raw materials. If this policy is not altered, George Bush may soon find himself presiding over a new disaster that will make the Vietnam debacle appear insignificant in comparison. The politics of the New World Order appear to be borrowed largely from the pages of the decline and fall of the British Empire. Political columnist Patrick Buchanan, an early vocal opponent of the Bush Persian Gulf strategy, warned as early as August 1990 that the White House was falling into the trap of British "balance of power" politics, the very politics that left Great Britain on the scrap heap of world powers at the close of World War II, and put Winston Churchill, the architect of World War II and the Cold War, out of a job. Since the crushing military defeat of Iraq by a technologically far superior American-led coalition, the Bush administration has vacillated on a postwar policy for the region. It has pursued a pragmatic power balancing game which is rife with potential problems. The two key elements of the American balance-of-power politics in the region are the preservation of a weakened but territorially whole Iraq to offset the other would-be regional-powers Iran and Syria. At the same time, it is tilting toward a nominally more "pro-Arab" position with regard to the Arab-Israeli conflict. While the harsh reparations terms being imposed upon a war-devastated Iraq are probably, in the mind of Bush, aimed at dissuading any future regional military power from launching-cross-border aggressions, they amount to the slow, excruciating extermination of the population of that country. As one seasoned observer noted recently, earlier air wars had caused greater immediate losses of life, due to the inaccuracy of bombs and rockets, but had generally left basic infrastructures intact. The precision bombing of Iraq's entire infrastructure has caused what a United Nations team has called an "apocalypse." The greater loss of life will occur in the aftermath of the combat as a country with 16 million inhabitants is suddenly thrown into a "pre-industrial" state with no electricity, no water or other necessities. American humanitarian aid, administered by occupying troops, will not offset this apocalypse -- especially if harsh war reparations and asset seizures deprive Iraq of the financial resources needed to begin a rebuilding process. Regardless of the fact that the United States has not thrown the full weight of its military presence behind the overthrow of the Saddam Hussein regime, the shortsightedness of the present Bush policy may very well lead to a Lebanon-type protracted civil war in Iraq. Such a war could potentially spread throughout the region. IMPLICATIONS FOR JAPAN Throughout this short study of the Order of Skull & Bones, emphasis has been placed on the philosophy, the rituals and the modus operandi of the Bonesmen who have devoted their post-Yale careers to world politics. This particular emphasis was chosen in order to provide the Japanese reader with an insight into how the Bush presidency views the rest of the world, so that it will be possible for Japan to better understand what it faces in the post-Persian Gulf War strategic environment. The implications of Skull & Bones domination over American policymaking under the Bush presidency are enormous. Japan must be prepared to meet what amounts to a fundamentally new challenge. Few of the postwar experiences in U.S. Japanese relations will have prepared the Japanese government and the leaders of Japanese industry and finance for-what they now face. In the recent past, the policy of Washington toward Japan has been simply to use political leverage, mostly related to Japan's regional security concerns, to exact compromises and concessions in the economic and financial sphere. But the United States, under its policy of free trade, privatization of the monetary and credit mechanisms, and the transition to post-industrial service-oriented forms of economic activity at home, has suffered a gradual but steady decline over the past 20 to 30 years. Japan, meanwhile, has prospered under a more protectionist and industry oriented policy. In the past decade, Japan has been increasingly thrust into the role of scapegoat for the decline of American prosperity, while at the same time coming under mounting pressure to help finance the United States out of its economic mess. The pressures upon Japan to bail out its postwar big brother have caused tensions between Washington and Tokyo, but the Cold War had provided a common security interest that generally offset the occasional rough language. Under the George Bush Skull & Bones regime at the White House all that has changed. True to the Bonesmen's credo of constructive chaos and global political domination by the WASP Establishment, the United States is now out to dominate U.S.-Japanese relations with a degree of brutal frankness that will fly in the face of all previous American sensitivities to Japan's honor. Gone are the days of former U.S. Ambassador Michael Mansfield, who always sought to maintain a public climate of friendship and cooperation between the two nations even when behind the scenes he was taking the toughest of stands on the most divisive issues. Under the American-led New World Order, Japan can expect to be treated with far less respect publicly. It can expect that the Bush administration, including his coterie of former top CIA men now working directly out of the Oval Office, will be constantly interfering, covertly in the internal affairs of Nippon. This shift in style has held sway since the Bush inauguration and the subsequent appointment of Michael Armacost as U.S. Ambassador to Tokyo. Armacost has assumed the posture of a Roman pro-consul, dictating policy to a weak satrap, rather than to engage, in diplomatic dialogue. Armacost's performance even before the recent events in the Persian Gulf reestablished American military might as the defining factor in world affairs -- should have provided the Japanese leadership with a clue as to the shift under way in Washington's new policy approach. The Bush policy can best be described as a sophisticated containment policy. The new approach to Pacific affairs was telegraphed in the early days of the Bush administration when the president deployed three of his most trusted senior spooks to three critical Asian diplomatic posts: Armacost was sent to Tokyo; Bush's vice presidential national security aide and former career CIA operator Donald Gregg was sent to Seoul; and John Lilly, another career CIA man and a fellow Yale Skull & Bones member, was sent to Beijing. The fact that three of the CIA's most experienced clandestine field operators were assigned the senior diplomatic posts says a great deal about the Bush administration's intentions to conduct sophisticated political-warfare and sow confusion among the three major nations of the Far East. Bush clearly intends to pursue the historic Skull & Bones mission of extending America's dominion over the entire Pacific region. The idea of even paying lip service to equal partnership between Washington and Tokyo is over, at least for the time being. The process of internally weakening Japan's resistance to this overarching domination by Washington's New World Order began with the Recruit scandal, when the Takeshita government was brought down through a U.S.-inspired secret intelligence operation. One of the primary targets of that operation was Yashuhiro Nakasone, the former prime minister and the architect of Japan's post-1973 effort to develop independent ties to the oil-producing Arab states of the Persian Gulf. It is important to understand that Bush's WASP warriors, while adopting a similar approach of non-compromise and domination over Israel and the Zionist lobby inside the United States, will not hesitate to use the Jewish lobby as an instrument for bashing Japan into line. Thus, Commerce Secretary Robert Mosbacher went out of his way to encourage the Anti-Defamation League's leadership convention, which he addressed last year, to join with the Bush administration in pressuring Japan to submit to American free trade demands. The Bush administration will at times encourage the Zionist lobby and Israel to mercilessly attack Japan and will at other times severely criticize Zionist "insensitivity" to Tokyo. This will all be part of the Bush strategy to dominate the Pacific Rim by playing one country or faction off against another, using hard cop-soft cop and other classic techniques of the intelligence trade. Japan will be offered a limited junior partner status in the New World Order, while coming under mounting pressure to continue providing tribute to finance the American imperium. Above all else, Japan will be forbidden from developing any independent foreign policy toward its neighbors, the Soviet Union, the Arab world or anyone else. Such programs as the Global Infrastructure Fund, to the extent that they pose an alternative to the U.S.-dominated international regime, will be vetoed. As a subservient junior partner in the New World Order arrangement, Japan's financial and economic muscle will be used as the piggy-bank for U.S. imperial objectives. The $14 billion "contribution" to the U.S.-led Gulf-War coalition was another benchmark in the transition in U.S.-Japanese relations, as was President Bush's abrupt cancellation of his long-sheduled state visit to Tokyo. When the chairman of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) attempted to visit Kuwait immediately after the gulf cease-fire in March l991, the U.S. State Department refused to grant him permission to go into the American-occupied territory. These intentional diplomatic affronts should be understood as telling signs of the new American-Japanese relationship. On the other-hand, President Bush also suddenly scheduled a brief summit with Japanese Prime Minister Kaifu in Newport Beach, California for April 4, 1991. One purpose of the sudden meeting was to lay out clear parameters of acceptable behavior on the part of the Japanese government when the prime minister meets later in April with Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. Japanese Soviet relations, like all other crucial Japanese foreign relations, will be expected to conform with those of the U.S. An essential blackmail "stick" that the Bush administration intends to hold over Tokyo is-Japanese dependency on Persian Gulf oil. As-the result of the Gulf War and the post war American military occupation of Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and other-key oil-producing sheikdoms, the Bush administration will exert unabashed control over world oil supplies -- and prices. In the New World Order, Japan's oil supply will be increasingly linked to concessions on a range of monetary and economic issues, including the Global Agreements on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) talks, which broke up last year as the result of largely Japanese and continental European resistance to the pure free-trade system sought by Bush and Thatcher. Assistant Treasury Secretary David Mulford, a former senior official at White Weld Securities, Inc., which restructured Saudi Arabia's entire financial apparatus, has recently announced that he will seek to prosecute Japan for its violations of the GATT regulations that call upon Tokyo to surrender government control over interest rate policies to the international banking community. The Bush presidency, with its ambitious drive for domination over former friends and foes alike, poses an unprecedented challenge to Japan. While this is neither the time nor the place to offer a solution to the growing dilemma, the profile of the men of Skull & Bones in this white paper should provide the Japanese reader with helpful insights into the nature of the American WASP warrior class and the secret society which spawned it. <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis- directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply. 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