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http://www.larouchepub.com/lar/2002/2936_sept11_webcast_open.html LAROUCHE INTERNATIONAL WEBCAST The Truth About `Pollard II' And the Iraq War Threat This is the opening presentation of Presidential pre-candidate Lyndon LaRouche to his Sept. 11, 2002 webcast from Washington, D.C., before live audiences of 150 in Washington and New York City, and an international Internet audience. Questions and answers which followed are not included here. Subheads have been added. Because of a lack of leadership, though many in leading positions in the United States and elsewhere know that the facts, presented in the leaflet we are now distributing nationally, are true, they refuse to present them publicly. Then, they say that the public won't support them. If they will not tell the truth on urgent matters, then why should the public support them? I am telling the truth, even at great risk. People are afraid in a crisis like this, because there is no leadership that will tell them the truth. I am telling them the truth. Therefore, I qualify as their leader. So the real subject today is, dealing with fear—and leadership. On the subjects on which I will speak, the subjects of war and the economy, there are an increasing number of people in leading positions, and other positions in the United States, who know at least part of the truth of what I'm to say. But they aren't saying it. This includes people in the Congress—in the Senate, in particular—in the U.S. government itself, the Executive branch; and among the leaders. They are afraid to tell the truth. Now, as I shall demonstrate, if we don't tell the truth, we are in real difficulty. But, what's the problem? The problem is the problem of smallness. Not of size, but of mind, and moral stature. Our people have lost much of the capacity for thought, moral stature of mind and purpose, that they once had. There is no leader to bring it out of them, apparently. Our leaders are incompetent. Because what's the situation of the average person? And I mean, all the way up and down, in the ranks of influence in society. The little person, in a community. For them, "trends" are what is happening. They have no control over it. The Democratic and Republican party are jokes. They no longer have real meetings. They're organizations which bureaucratically control an electoral process. There are no longer party meetings. There's no longer a place, to which the individual person can go, to register a question, and to initiate the process of getting an answer. Cowardice in Leadership and Government The people of the United States, at virtually all levels, are sitting there, waiting to see what the trends are, and waiting to overhear themselves saying what they consider it safe to say, not the truth. And therefore, they behave as cowards. Because they have no sense of responsible leadership which is telling the truth. If people who are considered responsible leaders tell the truth, account for what is going on, and if they are—these leaders—accountable to the people, then the people have an influence over their own destiny. If you have the kind of leader who says—you ask him what he thinks, and he says, "I haven't read the newspapers today." He hasn't made up his mind. He's waiting for authority to tell him what to think, or what to say, and pretty soon, what he dares to say, is what he dares to think. Cowardice! Cowardice throughout the institutions of government. Cowardice in the White House. Cowardice in leadership of the parties. Cowardice through all kinds of institutions in society. Many people know part of the truth. People in positions of relative power and influence, who should be telling the truth, publicly, to the people, to provide leadership, but they're not. They're cowards. And thus, I have to assume certain responsibilities of leadership of our nation, here and now, even though I have no official position in government, because there's no one in government, at the present time, who either has the knowledge, inclination, or the courage, to tell you the truth, even if they know part of it. Therefore, I must. Two Problems: The War and the Economy And I must say this also, before the world. We have two problems before us, in particular, apart from what I've just mentioned—the problem of cowardice and lack of leadership. The problems are, first of all, war, and economy. Now, there's a relationship between the war and economy, but they are not interrelated in an ordinary sense. War is like a man, with a sawed-off shotgun, and a glint in his eye, sitting in an apartment, holding a family hostage. Reality is not dictating what he's going to do. He's got an agenda in his mind, and he's determined to carry out that agenda, without any regard for the reality in the world outside. That is our government. A man with a shotgun, holding the nation, and the world, hostage, like a family being held hostage in an apartment. We have a government that is determined, now, to go to war, for war's own sake! Not because there's an issue in Iraq. Not because there's an issue in the Middle East. But because they are determined to go to war. No matter what reason you give them. "Well, what's your motive for going to war?" Well, it doesn't make any difference, says Rumsfeld. "It makes no difference. We're going to war! And you're not going to stop us!" "What's your basis for choosing this enemy?" "Well, we think . . ." "What's your evidence?" "Well, we can't tell you." Then they pull something out they call evidence, and warmed-over lies, sometimes two years old, or older. And that's the way it's going. They're determined to go to war. They're determined to go to war despite the fact that every nation of Europe is opposed to this war!, including the United Kingdom, with one qualification, which I'll explain. Russia's against the war. Asia's against the war. Most of the people, in fact, in the United States, are also against the war, but the newsprint doesn't report much of that. Everybody's against the war. The world is against the war. Just a pack of lunatics, in Israel and in the United States, are for it. Nobody else. Then, why are we going to war? What's the reason? Well, war. There's no exit strategy! When you go to war, you have to have a purpose. The purpose involves the end of the war, getting out of the war. And when the war ends, you hope that you'll be able to negotiate, and build, peace. You don't build peace through war. War may be necessary to create the conditions under which peace can become free, and express itself. But you don't fight a war to bring peace. War has a different purpose. Peace is what your purpose should be. To bring about a successful peace. If your war does not intend, does not aim to bring about peace, you shouldn't fight it. We had one such war, a long, perpetual war in Vietnam, Indochina. A war which almost destroyed the United States because we conducted it. It was a perpetual war, without purpose, done to orchestrate world events, but not to do any good. You're seeing a reflection of that among U.S. military, senior military figures today, retired and still active, who are opposed to this stinking idea of a war. Many, because, as senior figures, they had served as junior officers, or field-grade officers, in Indochina. They continued in service. They studied war more carefully, having gone through the experience of Indochina, and they say today, "What you're proposing is pointless. It's insane." No competent military figure will tell the President of the United States to go to this war. A Bunch of Chicken Hawks Who's telling the President to go to war? A bunch of draft-dodgers. A bunch of chicken hawks. People who never performed their military service when they had the occasion to do so. And they're all hot to go to war. And the military, who are competent, say, "Don't do it!" And the President is sitting there, and you don't know what he really is thinking. And he's indicated that he's going to go to war. So, we're dealing with war as a form of insanity. Someone said, "I don't like the world. I'm getting off. We're going to go to war." And that's the inertia. Now, I'll explain some of that. Now, the second thing is, we have an economic crisis. We are now in this moment, sitting in the last weeks, or months, at most, of the presently existing world monetary, financial system. The economy of the entire world, including that of the United States, is disintegrating. Nothing can stop it. If you know the factors in this, you know that there's nothing that can stop this thing from going to a depression, worse than 1929-33, unless you change the system. They say, "We're sticking with the system." They're saying, "The fundamentals are sound." They may be noisy, but they're not sound. Let me deal with these two questions. Now, what's the war perspective? You have a leaflet that's passed out; I'll refer to the content. On the question of war, and the question of economics. Go back to 1944. Go back to the period about June, July 1944. The United States and its allies had landed successfully in Normandy. They fought the breakthrough. At that point, the world strategic situation, given MacArthur's campaign in the Pacific, was that, the victory of the war was so inevitable, that even Field Marshal Montgomery couldn't make us lose it. That's how secure it was. (At that point—he did postpone the end of the war, at least six months, maybe nine, by his Marshaldom. This squeaky, racist pipsqueak.) But, the situation was such, that everybody here knew the war was going to be won. An assured victory. At that point, here was coming the 1944 Democratic nominating convention. At that point, Henry Wallace was indicated to be the Vice Presidential candidate, to serve another term, with Roosevelt. Some people said, "No, we're going to stop this." Why? They said, "The President is going to get himself elected to a fourth term, an unprecedented fourth term. This President—because we got into a depression—pulled the United States out of a depression, and led us through this war and other perils, and brought the United States into the position that we shall emerge from the war, as, not the greatest world power, but the only world power. We don't like this President. Now that we've won the war, we don't need him any more. And we don't want him—he's a sick man—we don't want a successor in there as President, who would continue his post-war policies. We want the end of this war to be the end of everything that Roosevelt stood for. We want to go back to the deep past, perhaps the Confederacy." So, therefore, great pressure was put on, to get Wallace discharged from the candidacy, and to put in a bum called Harry Truman. The moment Roosevelt died, or a few moments afterward, when his body was still warm, many of the policies of Roosevelt were scrapped, particularly his international, post-war policies. We still benefitted, through the middle of the 1960s, from policies which were created under Roosevelt, and under intentions which Roosevelt had had for the post-war period; specifically, the best features of a fixed-exchange-rate monetary system, devised under Roosevelt's direction, at Bretton Woods. These things worked. We rebuilt much of the world in the post-war period, on the inertia of Franklin Roosevelt's contributions, and those of his administration. We won the war because of Franklin Roosevelt. That's another story, which I won't go into, but that's a fact. Don't Attack a Defeated Nation But the intent of these guys was expressed in August of 1945. In 1945, in the Spring and Summer of 1945, not only had the United States won the war, and really had already won the war with Japan; we were waiting for the peace. Japan was a defeated nation; we were waiting for that peace. That was the policy of Gen. Douglas MacArthur. Don't attack a defeated nation. Wait for the peace! But some people in the United States, under urging of the circles of Bertrand Russell, who was one of the most evil, fascist creatures that ever slithered across this planet, pushed for the use of two nuclear weapons—to drop them on the civilian population of Japan. For no military reason! None. There was no military excuse for dropping them. In fact, MacArthur had been explicit, in presenting his report to the Presidency, that it was unnecessary. Japan was defeated; we had to wait for the peace. In fact, we had already negotiated the peace while Roosevelt was still alive. A man who became a friend of mine, Max Corvo, had been the head of United States OSS intelligence in Italy, on the ground, working for the State Department. He had been a key planner of the Sicily invasion by the U.S. forces; and the Sicily invasion was so successful, and his intelligence was so good, that they said, "You take over the field operations in Italy for the United States Office of Special Services." He did. And he continued that operation until this bum, Allen Dulles, got him bounced out of there, and made a mess of it. But Corvo, during that period, the latter part of the period, also took charge of—the Office of Extraordinary Affairs of the Vatican, then headed by the man who was later Pope Paul VI, were negotiating with the Japanese, and Max Corvo was auditing this. So the Vatican had negotiated conditions, with the Emperor Hirohito, of peace; the conditions were the same ultimately imposed upon Japan after the peace was signed. But at this point, unnecessary fire-bombing of Tokyo was already going on, which was the idea of some lame-brained nuts back here. And they dropped two totally unnecessary nuclear weapons on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The Military Utopians and World Government What does that mean? That means that for some time, a force in the world centered in Britain, which has always hated, and continues to hate the United States, was determined to eliminate the United States and other states which might try to imitate it, by setting up a system of world government—not all at once, but as a process. This was laid out by—for example, in 1928—by a book by H.G. Wells, who was the collaborator of Russell, proposing a "utopia." These utopians propose, as Wells had proposed in 1913 in the preface to a book, that nuclear weapons be used as weapons of terror, so horrible that governments would not fight wars, but would submit to world government. This idea was raised again in 1928 by Wells' book, The Open Conspiracy, to which Russell subscribed. And the policies which led to what formed the so-called utopian faction, inside the United States, were the result of the influence of Wells and Russell on this country and other countries. Wells was the worst ogre of the 20th Century; a more dangerous ogre—he was close to Satan; Hitler was Mephistopheles, but Russell qualifies for Satan himself, the old Beelzebub. This is what it was. Now, at that point, what they used—a certain faction in Britain and here—the idea of starting a new military arm, the Air Force. Their idea was that military air power would supplement naval power, maritime power, as a way by which a nation could control the world, and one nation would have all power. Initially, it was the idea of an Anglo-American power. This included forces in the United Kingdom, and Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and so forth, as well as the United States. They could rule the world as an English-speaking imperium, or develop that, by forcing the United Nations to become world government—or forcing something else to become world government. And they were going to use air power, together with sea power, and nuclear arsenals, as the way of controlling the world, and bringing about world government. This was the policy of Leo Szilard, for example, a Russell clone. This was the policy of many people at Princeton, who were Russell clones. The development of nuclear weapons in the United States was done on the initiative of Russell, through Szilard and Wigner and others, to get Einstein to sign that letter to Franklin Roosevelt. If Germany had not surrendered when it did, it was intended that these bombs would have been dropped on Germany, on Berlin. Berlin was to be obliterated by a nuclear attack, if it had not surrendered before the time it did. The bombs weren't ready then; that's why they didn't use them. So what you're dealing with is not a reaction. A bombing is a reaction to an existing imperative situation. We're dealing with the attempt to stop the success of the United States under Roosevelt, in freeing the world, potentially at least, from a lot of horrors of colonialism and other things. To set up a reactionary world empire, in which populations were controlled, and minds would be controlled, and everything else, by a supranational world government, acting in directions which are indicated, in sample at least, by H.G. Wells' book, The Open Conspiracy. Special Operations Warfare This crowd thus used the Air Force, and the founding of the RAND Corporation as a conjunction to the development of the Air Force, as a way of introducing a policy into the United States, which became known as the utopians; the utopians being a faction in military policy, which was opposed to the West Point, etc. traditional military policy—the policies of MacArthur, and also Eisenhower. Another creep got into the thing, Allen Dulles. And Allen Dulles, in collaboration with his brothers, introduced what was called "special warfare." A special section of our military command, the Pentagon, created a new division called special warfare. And through a section of the command—the so-called Quartermaster, or logistics section—every creep in the world was coming out of a desk drawer, professional military, retired military, any loose lunatic; and they were being used for what was called special operations. As we saw during the 1960s, in Kennedy's time, the unleashing of this. So you had three things. The idea of air power, used in this way; the idea of nuclear weapons, used in this way; and the idea of special operations as opposed to regular military forces. This became known as the utopian faction—or, what Eisenhower referred to, in exiting from the Presidency, as the military-industrial complex. It was not something that came out of the military as such. It was this combination. The idea of using air power, using nuclear weapons, nuclear arsenals, and special warfare. Don't go in and fight a war; go in and kill the head of state. Slaughter some people. Get two other countries to slaughter each other. This kind of thing, which was often blamed on the CIA, which was too soft to do things like that; they wouldn't really do that. Anyway, Allen Dulles, as Director of Intelligence, did set that into motion. Now, as long as Eisenhower was President, there were certain inherent limitations on the ability of these characters to act. And Eisenhower's statement on the military-industrial complex, on his exiting from office, typified his attitude and role on this question, with whatever his weaknesses might have been. He was a competent military officer in the American military tradition, like MacArthur, under whom he had served an important part of his career. And these utopians were determined to get rid of MacArthur, and to get rid of Eisenhower. Once Eisenhower was out of office, you had no figure in leadership in the United States, who adequately understood, and had the authority to block, these utopians' control over the military. Jack Kennedy had good intentions, but Jack Kennedy did not understand this problem at the time. Probably, it was only at about the time that he was killed, that he began to understand—after a conversation with MacArthur—what the problem was. Jack intended to return the United States to the President Roosevelt tradition. But he did not fully understand the nature of the enemy that he had to fight. So they killed him. They killed him. They killed [Enrico] Mattei in Italy. They got [Harold] Macmillan out of power in London with a scandal, the Profumo scandal. They got [Konrad] Adenauer prematurely retired in Germany. And after Kennedy was killed, they got us into the Vietnam War. Producer vs. Consumer Society At that point, we underwent a change in character. The United States, from its beginning, had been essentially committed to become a producer society, under [Benjamin] Franklin. With Lincoln's victory, and the emergence of the United States between 1861 and 1876 as the leading world national agro-industrial power, the United States of that time, to this recent time, had been a producer society. The leading example, under the American system of political economy, of a producer society, was not British capitalism, not socialism, but the American System, as defined by Franklin and his followers, including Lincoln. It's a special system, which Europe never had, and has not had to today—the American System. What they did, beginning with the Indochina War, was run a series of transformations, which were consolidated by Nixon—or under Nixon, by Nixon's controller, Henry Kissinger. Keep thinking of Nixon as a puppet of Henry Kissinger, and you've got about the right idea—or a sub-puppet. We were transformed, beginning that period, from a producer society into a consumer society. Otherwise, you look back in history to ancient Rome; where Rome, coming out of the second Punic War, had undergone an internal social change, in composition of forces, away from the Rome of Cicero, to a new kind of Rome which would emerge later as Caesar, as Tiberius, as Augustus, Nero, and Caligula—types we find in politics today. At that point, this social force, which had been conducting these wars, took over Italy, expanded the institution of slavery, destroyed Italy's power internally to exist, by relying upon conquered nations to produce, on Rome's terms, the loot that Rome needed for it to survive. We have become that. Particularly in 1971-73. We shut down the fixed-exchange-rate monetary system which had served us well in the post-war period, and had served Europe and much of the rest of the world so well. We went to a floating-exchange-rate monetary system. Through the floating-exchange-rate monetary system, controlled by Britain and the United States—and increasingly, by the United States' power—we compelled other nations to reduce the value of their currencies in such ways, that we could buy from them so cheaply, with their virtual slave labor, that we said, "Our labor here in the United States can not compete with the slave labor we have turned other countries into producing." For example, in the Americas, from 1982 on—from the Spring and Summer of 1982—the United States has systemically destroyed the nations of South and Central America. We have ruined Mexico. We have almost obliterated Argentina. We are in the process of obliterating Brazil. We have virtually obliterated Peru. Colombia is almost destroyed. Chávez is about to be destroyed, and Venezuela with him. Central America has been virtually destroyed. These are the conditions. We have become the parasite of the world. We suck the blood of China. We suck the blood of Asia generally. We suck the blood of Central and South America. We suck the blood of Africa. We promote wars in Africa, in order to promote genocide, reduction of the rate of population [growth] in Africa. That's the kind of nation we have tended to become, under these kinds of influence, of the utopians. War Is Won Strategically, With Logistics Now the second thing: war. You do not fight war on the basis of "kill-power." The United States did not win World War II with kill-power. We won World War II, despite a few very important and deadly battles, strategically; we won it through logistics. We won it through a policy of strategic defense, in which logistics is the key factor. We were an overwhelming economic-strategic power logistically. And I know; I trained some of these guys that we were sending around the world, for a brief period of time. And I can tell you, when I saw them lined up on the company street—I got a new bunch of scrapings from the streets and farms of the United States—I would see them lined up on the company street—I lined them up—and I'd just say to myself, "We've lost the war." But we won it. We won it through logistics. We won it through Roosevelt's program, from 1936 on, of knowing the war with Hitler was inevitable at that point, and saying, "The United States is going to be prepared, in its recovery program, to deal with this problem." And he met with leaders of industry and others, and set into motion—with his close associates—programs of development which in 1940-41, unleashed the greatest economic mobilization the world had ever seen. In three years, we exceeded every anticipation of logistics. We had power beyond the belief of the world as a whole. When we went to war, we soon had that power, under Roosevelt's leadership. And that's how we won the war. These principles were taught to us by the greatest military figures of the late 18th and 19th Century: by France's great engineer and military leader, Lazare Carnot, the man who turned an absolute defeat into a stunning victory between 1792 and 1794. These were the principles which Moses Mendelssohn taught to Gerhard Scharnhorst, through Count Wilhelm Schaumberg-Lippe. Schaumberg-Lippe, who was the friend of Moses Mendelssohn, asked Moses Mendelssohn to provide a program of education for officers at the military school maintained by Schaumberg-Lippe. They were great friends. Moses Mendelssohn devised the program—military strategic training program—for Schaumberg-Lippe. Scharnhorst, a trainee of that, became the brilliant protégé of Schaumberg-Lippe, and made a Prussian military reform which is parallel in its implications to that of Lazare Carnot in France. >From that time on, on the basis of Carnot's studies of the work of the great Vauban in Germany and in France, these studies—the idea of strategic defense as consistent with modern society, modern scientifically progressive society—became a new dimension and way of dealing with the problems of warfare. If you have great economic power and great logistical power, you can win wars in various ways. You can win them with necessary war-fighting, if that comes up, but you can win them because your sheer economic power attracts not merely the envy, but the admiration of others, who say, as they said to us in India, for example—many people in India said to me, at the end of the war—can the United States send us the technology to build our own independent nation-state? <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis- directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. 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