-Caveat Lector-

>From http://www.truthout.org/docs_02/10.10A.jeffords.pivotal.htm

t r u t h o u t | Statement
James M. Jeffords
Chairman Senate Environment and Public Works Committee

Senate Resolution Authorizing the Use of Force Against Iraq

Tuesday, 8 October, 2002

This is a pivotal moment in our Nation's history. As has happened many times before, 
when
faced with a potential threat to our national security and to the security of our 
allies, we
must carefully evaluate that threat, and decide how best to deal with it. It is 
imperative that
we not make a rash decision that will have lasting consequences for generations to 
come.

I am very disturbed by President Bush's determination that the threat from Iraq is so 
severe
and so immediate that we must rush to a military solution. I do not see it that way. I 
have
been briefed several times by Defense Secretary Rumsfeld, CIA Director Tenet and other
top Administration officials. I have discussed this issue with the President. I have 
heard
nothing that convinces me that an immediate preemptive military strike is necessary or 
that
it would further our interests in the long term.

Saddam Hussein's desire to acquire weapons of mass destruction is of grave concern.
Based on the information that has been provided to me by this Administration, I 
believe this
threat is best dealt with in the context of the United Nations. The UN must move
aggressively to ensure unfettered inspections and bolster its efforts to stop the 
proliferation
of materials that can be used in the production of weapons of mass destruction. I urge 
the
UN Security Council to take immediate and strong action to deal with Iraq and its
infractions.

Should Iraq fail to comply with the United Nation resolutions, it is incumbent on the 
United
States to aggressively work with member nations to develop a means to bring Iraq into
compliance. But at this time I cannot in good conscience authorize any use of military 
force
against Iraq other than in the context of a UN Security Council effort. If we receive
information that the threat is more imminent, or if the United Nations' effort fails, 
then the
President should come back to Congress for consideration of the next step. Providing 
the
President with authorization at this time for unilateral U.S. military action would 
undercut
UN Security Council efforts to disarm Iraq.

We must ensure that any action we take against Iraq does not come at the expense of the
health and strength of our nation, or the stability of the international order upon 
which our
economic security depends. I spoke at length on the Senate floor last week about 
pressing
problems that will determine the future strength of our nation - inadequate funding for
education, declining access to affordable health care, degradation of our environment, 
and
erosion of pension security for many hard-working Americans.

Mr. President, Saddam Hussein is as bad a dictator as they come. His past actions speak
volumes about his true intentions. But is the only solution to this dilemma a military
solution? Experience tells us otherwise. Ten years of containment through enforcement 
of
two no-fly zones and UN economic sanctions have prevented Saddam Hussein from
rebuilding his military to any significant extent. His military strength remains 
significantly
weaker than when he moved against Kuwait more than a decade ago.

There is much speculation about his weapons of mass destruction program, but no
evidence that he has developed a nuclear capability. While there is talk of cooperation
between Iraq and Al Qaeda, and I don't doubt that there has been some cooperation, I
have not seen any hard evidence of close cooperation. There is, however, a great deal 
of
evidence of Saddam's paranoia and his distrust of all but his closest inner circle. He 
has
wiped out any viable political opposition and tightly holds all the reigns of control. 
Even if he
were to develop a nuclear capability, I have a hard time believing that Saddam Hussein
would turn these weapons over to any organization, particularly a terrorist 
organization,
after he has paid so dearly to acquire them.

Our greatest problem, it seems to me, is that we have very little good intelligence on 
what
is going on inside Iraq. We know that Saddam Hussein's intentions are bad, but we don't
have a clear picture of what his capabilities actually are. Clearly, we need to get 
United
Nations inspectors on the ground immediately. The inspectors must have unfettered 
access
to all suspected sites in Iraq. This is proving to be a major challenge for the United 
Nations,
but the United Nations is much more likely to succeed if the United States is squarely 
behind
its efforts, and not standing off to the side, secretly hoping that it will fail.

We should give the United Nations the opportunity to step forward and deal with Iraq 
and
its infractions. In my estimation, the United States stands to gain much more if we 
can work
with the United Nations to deliver a multilateral approach to disarming Iraq, even 
providing
military force if necessary. If the United Nations fails to press for the disarmament 
of Iraq
or is blocked in its efforts, then I would expect the President to come back to 
Congress for
further discussion of the alternatives.

In view of this threat from Saddam Hussein, I urge the Congress not to adjourn sine die
upon completion of its work this fall, but to be ready to return to session at any 
time prior
to the New Year if further action against Saddam Hussein should become necessary.

Mr. President, we must also work with the United Nations to stop the flow of those
materials needed for producing weapons of mass destruction. There is a great deal more
that we could do to tighten international non- proliferation regimes. Rather than 
supporting
and empowering international efforts to stop the flow of nuclear materials and force
greater transparency in chemical and biological commercial production facilities, the 
Bush
Administration has undercut these efforts and refused to participate in attempts to
strengthen existing non- proliferation regimes. For example, last fall, at the 
Biological
Weapons Convention review conference, the Bush Administration scuttled efforts by our
closest allies, most notably Great Britain, to strengthen the international biological 
weapons
inspection regime.

The Administration has actively undermined efforts to monitor and verify the existing
international moratorium on nuclear weapons testing. Additionally, we should be putting
more resources into the Nunn-Lugar program, which has had some success at preventing
the export from the former Soviet Union of nuclear weapons materials and scientific 
know-
how. Saddam Hussein is not the only deranged dictator who is willing to deprive his 
people
in order to acquire weapons of mass destruction.

Just think of what progress we could make on non-proliferation if we were to put one
fraction of the cost of a war against Saddam Hussein into efforts to prevent the 
emergence
of the next nuclear, chemical or biological threat. Strong efforts at strengthening
international non-proliferation regimes would truly enhance our nation's future 
security.

In our preoccupation with Saddam Hussein, we must not lose sight of potential crises in
several other areas of the world. The India-Pakistan nuclear confrontation and the 
standoff
over Kashmir have demanded a great deal of American effort during the past year. We
cannot rule out a re-emergence of this nuclear threat. The conflict between Israel and 
the
Palestinians continues to claim lives and threaten the stability of the region. 
Without US
prodding and even direct involvement, there is little chance that a peace process could
resume there. War with Iraq could have an inflammatory effect upon that situation, and
potentially risk the security of Israel was well. A war with Iraq would diminish our 
focus on
bringing stability to Afghanistan, risking a return of anarchy to an area we have just 
given
American lives to stabilize. While Pakistan has stood with us this year, a lessening 
of US
attention to Afghanistan could significantly undercut our influence in Islamabad.

And the larger war on terrorism, our top concern just a few months ago, would take a 
back
seat to a protracted war with Iraq and a major reconstruction effort. Yes, we must 
worry
about Saddam. But we must not do so in a manner that reduces our ability to deal with
these other threats.

Mr. President, I fear that this Administration is, perhaps unwittingly, heading us 
into a
miserable cycle of waging wars that isolate our nation internationally and stir up 
greater
hatred of America. This cycle will generate more enemies, while undercutting our 
support
from a broad coalition of allies - coalitions that have proven to be the hallmark of 
all
successful peacemaking efforts in recent years.

We owe it to the American people not to rush into a war, but to work with the 
institutions
that we fought so hard to develop for just this eventuality. If multilateral efforts 
fail, then
the President should come back to Congress for consideration of the next course of 
action. I
cannot support a resolution that puts this nation on a path to war without first 
exhausting
diplomatic efforts. Now is the time to put the international system to work for us, and
consider unilateral military action only as a last resort.

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