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http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/oct2002/iraq-o24.shtml

WSWS : News &  Analysis : Middle East : Iraq

Amid signs of dissent within military circles

Bush employs lies and maneuvers to pave way for war against Iraq

By Bill Vann
24 October 2002

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With the preferred D-Day for a US invasion of Iraq barely three months away, there are
growing signs of unease within sections of the US ruling elite over the implications 
of the
Bush administration’s plans for a preemptive war of conquest and a protracted military
occupation of the Arab country.

Expressing the gravest public concern are former senior military officers, whose views
unquestionably reflect the current uniformed command’s anxiety over the war policy
elaborated by the Pentagon’s right-wing civilian leadership, headed by Defense 
Secretary
Donald Rumsfeld and his deputy, Paul Wolfowitz.

Among those who have spoken out most directly is Marine Corps General Anthony C. Zinni
(ret.), who preceded Army General Tommy Franks as head of the Central Command, the
unit that would oversee an invasion. “War and violence are a very last resort and we 
have
to be very careful how we apply it, especially now, in our position in the world,” 
Zinni told a
meeting organized by the Middle East Institute in Washington earlier this month. “I’m 
not
convinced we need to do this now.”

Another telling indication of dissension at the top was the appearance this week of 
several
articles in the major US dailies exposing the Bush administration’s stated pretexts 
for war
against Iraq as boldfaced lies.

The New York Times published a piece Monday demonstrating that the Czech government
had warned the Bush administration some months ago that claims of a meeting between
the alleged ringleader of the September 11 suicide hijackings, Mohamed Atta, and an 
Iraqi
intelligence agent were bogus. Nonetheless, the administration continued to repeat the
charge.

On October 22, the Washington Post carried a front-page article detailing a series of 
lies by
President Bush aimed at justifying an invasion. Entitled “For Bush, the facts are 
malleable,”
the article made a detailed examination of the president’s charges, including his 
claim in an
October 7 televised speech in Cincinnati that Iraq had developed unmanned aircraft 
capable
of striking the US, and his allegation last month that the International Atomic Energy 
Agency
(IAEA) had determined that Iraq was “six months away from developing a nuclear weapon.”

“We have discovered through intelligence that Iraq has a growing fleet” of unmanned
aircraft, Bush said in his Cincinnati speech. He added that there was concern that 
these
drones would be used for “targeting the United States.”

On the issue of Iraq’s alleged nuclear weapons program, the president claimed that in 
1998
“information from a high-ranking Iraqi nuclear engineer who had defected revealed that
despite his public promises, Saddam Hussein had ordered his nuclear program to 
continue.”

In each case, Bush either invented or deliberately distorted the evidence. In the case 
of the
unmanned aircraft claim, the CIA issued a report earlier this month stating that the 
Iraqis
were conducting an “experiment” with the device that could prove “a serious threat to 
Iraq’s
neighbors and to international military forces in the region” but had no capability of 
crossing
the Atlantic and striking American targets.

As for the Iraqi nuclear defector, his name is Khidhir Hamza and he retired from Iraq’s
nuclear program in 1991 and defected in 1994. The shifting of the date up to 1998 was
apparently an attempt to present as current claims that he made about a program he was
involved in more than a decade ago—before the first Persian Gulf War shattered Iraq’s
infrastructure.

In regard to the IAEA, it made no allegation about Baghdad being within six months of
obtaining a nuclear weapon. On the contrary, its last report, issued in 1998, before
Washington demanded the removal of all weapons inspectors in advance of a US air war on
Iraq, declared: “Based on all credible information to date, the IAEA has found no 
indication
of Iraq having achieved its program goal of producing nuclear weapons or of Iraq having
retained a physical capability for the production of weapon-usable nuclear material or
having clandestinely obtained such material.”

On October 23, the Wall Street Journal published an article on its front page 
indicating that
the administration has lied about the alleged connections between Iraq and Al Qaeda. 
The
article quoted a speech delivered by Bush last week in which he described Iraqi 
President
Saddam Hussein as “a man who we know has had connections with Al Qaeda. This is a
man who, in my judgment, would like to use Al Qaeda as a forward army.”

Based on its own investigation, the Journal, by no means an opponent of the current
administration, concluded: “There’s no evidence of contact between Al Qaeda and the
Iraqis, according to current and former intelligence officials.”

Significantly, the article indicated that the administration’s attempt to establish a 
link
between Iraq and Al Qaeda began almost as soon as Bush was installed in the White
House. “When the Bush administration took office in 2001, officials at the Pentagon
immediately began peppering intelligence agencies with requests for studies on 
Baghdad’s
links to terrorism,” the article stated. “At a meeting of senior administration 
officials in April
2001 to discuss Al Qaeda, a top Defense Department official asked Mr. Clarke [Richard
Clarke, the National Security Council’s counterterrorism coordinator] about whether 
Iraq
had connections to Mr. bin Laden’s group. Mr. Clarke said no, according to two people 
in
the room.”

The administration’s demands led to a concerted drive to link Iraq to the 1993 World 
Trade
Center bombing,” the Journal reported, adding that these efforts “have come up empty.”

Thus, while Washington portrays its military buildup against Iraq as a response to
September 11 and a defense of the US against an imminent terrorist threat, it now
emerges that top Bush administration officials were desperately seeking evidence to 
tie Iraq
to terrorism—and specifically to Al Qaeda—at least five months before any planes 
crashed
into World Trade Center and the Pentagon.

The administration clearly came into office with a pre-existing plan for a war to 
establish
US control over Iraq. It saw a link to terrorism as the ideal pretext. The obvious 
question
posed by the Journal’s account is whether top officials were anticipating—or had prior
knowledge of—an impending Al Qaeda attack months before it happened.

The growing public opposition to war and the unease within the top echelons of the 
military
and sections of the ruling elite have led the Bush administration to engage in another 
form
of dissimulation to advance its military plans—United Nations diplomacy.

In the past several days, the media has proclaimed that the administration is stepping 
back
from war, has postponed its invasion timetable and is considering the option of 
pressing
Iraq to comply with UN resolutions on weapons of mass destruction.

Involved here is a combination of deceit, double-talk and Bush’s proclivity to lapse 
into non-
sequiturs. “We’ve tried diplomacy,” Bush said at a Monday press conference. “We’re 
trying
it one more time. I believe the free world, if we make up our mind to, can disarm this 
man
peacefully.”

He followed up this remark with the conflicting assertion that his administration’s 
policy
remained “regime change—because we don’t believe he is going to change.” Bush
continued, “However, if he were to meet all the conditions of the United Nations, the
conditions that I’ve described very clearly in terms that everybody can understand, 
that in
itself will signal the regime has changed.”

Asked at a subsequent briefing whether Bush’s remarks indicated that Washington would
allow the Iraqi regime to remain in power if it complied with the resolution that the 
US is
attempting to push through the UN Security Council, White House spokesman Ari Fleischer
smirked and said: “I can’t imagine a situation in which Iraq would do these things. 
When
these steps are taken to observe the peace and honor the UN resolutions, at Saddam
Hussein’s direction and under his leadership, give me a call to discuss it.”

Fleischer “can’t imagine” Iraqi compliance with the UN resolution, because Washington 
has
deliberately crafted conditions that no regime could ever meet. The so-called 
“compromise”
plan that it presented to the five permanent members of the Security Council this week 
is
intended not to further weapons inspections in Iraq, but to preempt them and provide a
pseudo-legal pretext for a US invasion.

The US proposal states repeatedly that Iraq is in “material breach” of its obligations 
to
comply with UN resolutions, language that is designed to justify military action. The 
draft
would give Iraq seven days to surrender totally to the conditions of the resolution and
another 23 to present the UN with a “an acceptable and currently accurate, full and
complete declaration of all aspects of its programs” for weapons development.

Only after that would inspections begin.

Failure to make a full disclosure would open Iraq up to “serious consequences,” 
according
to the latest US draft resolution. In other words, it would provide Washington with the
pretext for war. The Bush administration has indicated that while it would “consult” 
with the
UN before attacking, it would not seek its sanction.

As the Iraqi regime has denied that such programs even exist, and Washington has 
insisted
against all evidence that Baghdad is on the verge of obtaining a nuclear bomb, the
resolution gives the US the option of simply claiming that the Iraqi regime is lying 
and
launching its invasion.

In the unlikely event that inspections were to begin, the US has declared a policy of 
“zero
tolerance” for Iraqi non-compliance. The White House and the Pentagon reserve the 
right to
judge for themselves whether Baghdad is failing to cooperate, and punish it 
accordingly.

The resolution also includes provisions that no government on the face of the planet 
would
accept, including giving the UN the right to abduct Iraqi scientists and their entire 
families
and take them out of the country for interrogation.

It also maintains a controversial section included in a previous draft that would 
allow the
establishment of no-fly/no-drive zones and exclusion zones anywhere in Iraq, which 
would
be “enforced by UN security forces or member states.” This clause would in effect 
allow for
an invasion of Iraqi territory by US troops under the guise of enforcing weapons
inspections.

Those in charge of the weapons inspection agencies have expressed the opinion that
neither of these US proposals is necessary to complete their work.

No one either in Washington or at the United Nations is under any illusion that Bush is
forswearing war for diplomacy. Behind the nonsensical phrases and double-talk of the
American president, what is being demanded is a UN license for a predatory war to
conquer Iraq and establish US control over its extensive oil reserves.

Meanwhile, the US is continuing its military preparations for an attack on Iraq 
without any
let-up. US and British warplanes carried out air strikes for the second straight day
Wednesday, bombing both military and civilian targets in the two “no-fly zones” that
Washington imposed over Iraq in the wake of the Persian Gulf War. These attacks,
portrayed as responses to anti-aircraft fire, have become increasingly frequent over 
the
past months. Their purpose is to degrade Iraqi air defenses in advance of a US 
invasion,
creating safe corridors for warplanes to carry out attacks on Baghdad and other cities.

The US military is also loading cargo ships in the ports of San Diego and Charleston, 
SC
with military vehicles, arms and munitions bound for the gulf region. And the Pentagon
confirmed that it is proceeding with the redeployment over the next few weeks of over 
600
staff members of the US Central Command, which covers the entire gulf region, as well 
as
headquarters personnel from the Army’s V Corps and the Marines’ 1st Expeditionary 
Force,
two units that would play key roles in an Iraqi invasion. The headquarters staffers 
are to set
up mobile command posts in Kuwait and Qatar that would be used to direct a war once it
begins.







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World Socialist Web Site
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