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http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/nov2002/ire-n07_prn.shtml

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WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe : Ireland

Ireland: Social tensions deepen as the "Celtic Tiger" staggers

By Steve James
7 November 2002

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Ireland’s employers are seeking a general pay freeze for the country’s 1.7 million 
workers.
With inflation running at around four percent, the “freeze” is in reality a pay cut.

Turlough O’Sullivan, leader of the employers federation IBEC, called for a pay “pause” 
of at
least six months. Pointing to a sudden crisis in government expenditure, Finance 
Minister
Charles MacCreevy announced: “The boom is over.” “We cannot spend what is not there,
no matter how desirable the objective,” he insisted. The government intends to push
through 1.7 billion euros of cuts while freezing all new public sector jobs. Taoiseach 
(Prime
Minister) Bertie Ahern and the Tanaiste (Minister of Labour) Mary Harney backed
MacCreevy’s stance.

The calls came at the beginning of negotiations between employers, the Fianna Fail-led
coalition government, trade unions and voluntary groups to set pay and social spending
levels for the next two years. A series of agreements between the so-called “social
partners” have been central to the boom conditions experienced by the southern Irish
economy over the 1990s.

The last agreement, the “Programme for Prosperity and Fairness” negotiated in 2000,
restricted workers to little more than inflation-based settlements, but incorporated 
some
additional social spending, particularly on health. Irish-based corporations made 
fortunes.
Now, in the face of deteriorating world conditions, the Irish government and employers 
are
seeking a new agreement with the trade unions that would defend the Irish Republic as 
an
investment base by cutting real wages, slashing social spending and passing the cost of
much needed new infrastructure directly on to working people.

Low wages, low taxes, an English speaking workforce and access to the European Union
have over the last two decades made the Irish Republic one of the most attractive
investment locations in the world, with growth rates far exceeding the rest of Europe. 
The
period has seen a transformation in the southern Irish economy, with electronics and
pharmaceutical industries springing up, primarily in the Dublin area.

Exporting to the EU, the new industries have vastly reduced Irish dependence on
agricultural exports to Britain. A globalised industrial base has replaced Ireland’s 
historic
industrial backwardness and economic dependence on Britain, but this means that the
future of Ireland is immediately dependent on the vagaries of the world economy, and
particularly the United States.

In 1998, 82 percent of industrial output came from foreign owned firms employing 47
percent of the industrial workforce, while around 75 percent of foreign direct 
investment
(FDI) into Ireland came from the US. In 2001, Ireland drew in 10 percent of FDI across 
the
entire EU. US assets in Ireland are valued at more than 40 percent of the country’s 
GDP.

The term “Celtic Tiger” was first coined to compare Ireland with the once booming
economies of South East Asia, whose success was curtailed with the Asian financial 
crash
of 1997.

Throughout the 1990s growth rates have been huge. In 1999, for example, the economy
grew by 10 percent and exports increased by 20 percent. In 2000 the economy grew by 11
percent, and another 10 percent in 2001. This year the growth rate is likely to be 
halved.

Growth has depended on vast increases in productivity. Unit labour costs fell around 35
percent between 1995 and 2001, with productivity increases consistently higher than in 
the
UK and EU. Nevertheless, the level of overall profitability has been falling since 
1998 when
average pre-tax profits represented 1.5 percent of total assets against 0.9 percent in 
2001.

Precious little of this prodigious boom has been passed on to ordinary people in the 
form of
improved living standards. In a recent speech intended to celebrate the Programme for
Prosperity and Fairness and call for a replacement, David Begg, general secretary of 
the
Irish Trades Union Congress, was forced to concede that after 15 years of partnership 
with
the trade unions, Ireland remained the most unequal country in Europe with regards to
income, after Portugal.

Wage inequality has grown, with the top 10 percent increasing their earnings from 196
percent of the median wage in 1987 to 232 percent in 1997. The latest Sunday Times rich
list established that the richest 25 individuals in Ireland collectively earned 828 
million euros
last year. By contrast, the bottom 25 percent fell from 73 percent of median earnings 
to 69
percent in 1997. Rapid growth, particularly in Dublin, has led to uncontrollable rises 
in
house prices, while infrastructure spending has failed to keep pace with social or 
industrial
demands.

Despite the best efforts of the union bureaucracy to police their members, the boom 
years
saw efforts by sections of workers to extract decent living standards through a series 
of
strikes in transport, public service and building industries. These drew the ire of the
International Monetary Fund. A 2002 report concluded, “the stellar performance of the 
Irish
manufacturing sector in recent years was partly interrupted in 2001. The main reasons 
for
fairly limited gains were the global economic slowdown, the bursting of the ICT 
[Internet
communications technology] bubble, and the rapid increase in Irish wage costs.”

The IMF also noted that some of the high-tech industries attracted to Ireland in the 
1990s
were permanently relocating away from the island despite the “astonishing performance 
of
a handful of sectors mostly dominated by multinational companies, whose gains in
productivity often result from intangible foreign inputs in production, such as global
investment in research, product development and advertising.” Irish industrial
competitiveness was also extremely vulnerable to fluctuations in the exchange rate 
between
the dollar, the euro and the British currency, sterling. Ireland adopted the euro in 
1999.

The IMF explained its views on the sudden change in Irish state finance. During the 
1990s,
because of the high levels of industrial growth, income tax and corporation tax 
revenues
increased, despite a decrease in the tax rates on profit being applied. Corporation 
tax is as
low as 12.5 percent in some circumstances, while indirect taxes on consumption are 
among
the highest in Europe.

By 2001, “a rapid deceleration of economic growth worsened the outlook for profits and
increased uncertainty over a potential increase in unemployment.” At the same time, the
IMF complained, “recent economic success and the subsequent increases in expenditure to
improve the quality of public services and infrastructure have created expectations 
that
substantial resources will continue to be allocated to finance new spending 
initiatives.” The
IMF singled out intended health, education and social spending as problem areas, 
setting
out an agenda of confrontation with the working class for the Fianna Fail and 
Progressive
Democrat coalition government. This is behind the mysterious “discovery” by Fianna 
Fail of
a “black hole” in state finances in the immediate aftermath of a general election 
earlier this
year.

As if to reinforce the point, the same week as the government opened new pay talks with
the trade unions 1,500 elderly care nurses voted to take strike action against low 
pay. The
vote followed similar decisions by other sections of the nursing profession in 
opposition to
the Irish government’s refusal to implement the recommendations of a Commission on
Nursing report.

Indicating the emerging social tensions on both sides of the border, 100 workers 
travelled
to Dublin on November 1 to protest minimal severance packages offered as compensation
for job losses at the Irish Fertiliser Industries’ (IFI) Richardson’s plant in 
Belfast, Northern
Ireland. The Irish government owns 51 percent of IFI, which is facing liquidation, 
whilst 49
percent is owned by British-based ICI. The Belfast plant employs 206 people in the 
city’s
docklands area. Four hundred twenty workers from the Irish Republic also face 
redundancy
in IFI’s Cork and Arklow plants. IFI workers in Cork informed Bertie Ahern, as he 
arrived for
a Fianna Fail fundraising affair, that the Arklow and Cork plants will be occupied 
unless firm
commitments on pension and redundancy rights are offered. Further protests are planned
at ICI’s headquarters in London.

News of the IFI closures came as more redundancies were announced at Belfast’s Harland
and Wolff shipyard. The shipyard, which once employed thousands of exclusively 
Protestant
workers at higher rates of pay than the city’s Catholic workforce, had been reduced to 
390
workers. This is now to be cut to less than 200—a skeleton staff pending moves to 
reorient
the yard away from shipbuilding towards repair and renewable energy. Two hundred
workers have been issued 90-day redundancy notices.

Despite the current suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly, both Republican and
Unionist politicians are seeking to attract new investment to the North in a belated 
bid to
emulate the fading success of the southern “Tiger”. But they do so at a point in 
history
when the South’s economic miracle is on the point of turning sour.







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