An important step on the road to world monopoly was the most far-reaching corporation invented by the Rothschilds. This was the international drug and chemical cartel, I.G. Farben. Called ``a state within a state,'' it was created in 1925 as Interessen Gemeinschaft Farbenindustrie Aktien gesellschaft, usually known as I.G. Farben, which simply meant ``The Cartel''. It had originated in 1904, when the six major chemical companies in Germany began negotiations to form the ultimate cartel, merging Badische Anilin, Bayer, Agfa, Hoechst, Weiler-ter-Meer, and Greisheim-Electron. The guiding spirit, as well as the financing, came from the Rothschilds, who were represented by their German banker, Max Warburg, of M.M. Warburg Company, Hamburg. He later headed the German Secret Service during World War I and was personal financial adviser to the Kaiser. When the Kaiser was overthrown, after losing the war, Max Warburg was not exiled with him to Holland, instead he became the financial adviser to the new government. Monarchs may come and go, but the real power remains with the bankers. While representing Germany at the Paris Peace Conference, Max Warburg spent pleasant hours renewing family ties with his brother, Paul Warburg, who, after drafting the Federal Reserve Act at Jekyl Island, had headed the U.S. banking system during the war. He was in Paris as Woodwow Wilson's financial advisor.
I.G. Farben soon had a net worth of six billion marks, controlling some five hundred firms. Its first president was Professor Carl Bosch. During the period of the Weimar Republic, I.G. officials, seeing the handwriting on the wall, began a close association with Adolf Hitler, supplying much needed funds and political influence. The success of the I.G. Farben cartel had aroused the interest of other industrialists. Henry Ford was favorably impressed and set up a German branch of Ford Motor Company. Forty per cent of the stock was purchased by I.G. Farben. I.G. Farben then established an American subsidiary, called American I.G., in cooperation with Standard Oil of New Jersey . Its directors included Walter Teagle, president of Standard Oil, Paul Warburg of Kuhn Loeb & Company and Edsel Ford, representing the Ford interests. John Foster Dulles, for the law firm, Sullivan and Cromwell, became the attorney for I.G., frequently traveling between New York and Berlin on cartel business. His law partner, Arthur Dean, is now director of the $40 million Teagle Foundation which was set up before Teagle's death. Like other fortunes it had become part of the network. Like John Foster Dulles, Arthur Dean has been a director of American Banknote for many years; this is the firm which supplies the paper for our dollar bills. Dean also has been an active behind the scenes government negotiator, serving as arms negotiator at disarmament conferences. Dean was also a director of Rockefeller's American Ag & Chem Company. He was a director of American Solvay, American Metal and other firms. As attorney for the wealthy Hochschild family, who owned Climax Molybdenum and American Metal, Dean became director of their family foundation, the Hochschild Foundation. Dean is director emeritus of the Council on Foreign Relations, the Asia Foundation, International House, Carnegie Foundation, and the Sloan Kettering Cancer Center.
In 1930, Standard Oil announced that it had purchased an alcohol monopoly in Germany, a deal which had been set up by I.G. Farben. After Hitler came to power, John D. Rockefeller assigned his personal press agent, Ivy Lee, to Hitler to serve as a full-time adviser on the rearmament of Germany, a necessary step for setting up World War II. Standard Oil then built large refineries in Germany for the Nazis and continued to supply them with oil during World War II. In the 1930s Standard Oil was receiving in payment from Germany large shipments of musical instruments and ships which had been built in German yards.
The dreaded Gestapo, the Nazi police force, was actually built from the worldwide intelligence network which I.G. Farben had maintained since its inception. Herman Schmitz, who had succeeded Carl Bosch as head of I.G., has been personal advisor to chancellor Brüning; when Hitler took over, Schmitz then became his most trusted secret counselor. So well concealed was the association that the press had orders never to photograph them together . Schmitz was named an honourary member of the Reichstag, while his assistant, Carl Krauch, became Göring's principal advisor in carrying out the Nazis' Four Year Plan. A business associate, Richard Krebs, later testified before the House Un-American Activities Committee, ``The I.G. Farbenindustrie, I know from personal experience, was already, in 1934, completely in the hands of the Gestapo.'' This was a misstatement; the I.G. Farben had merely allied itself with the Gestapo.
In 1924 Krupp Industries was in serious financial difficulty; the firm was saved by a $10 million cash loan from Hallgarten & Company and Goldman Sachs, two of Wall Street's best known firms. The planned re-armament of Germany was able to proceed only after Dillon Read floated $100 million of German bonds on Wall Street for that purpose. It was hardly surprising that at the conclusion of the Second World War, General William Draper was appointed Economic Czar of Germany, being named head of the Economic Division of the Allied Military Government. He was a partner of Dillon Read.
In 1939 Frank Howard, a vice-president of Standard Oil visited Germany. He later testified, #147;We did our best to work out complete plans for a modus vivendi which would operate throughout the term of the war, whether we came in or not.'' At this time American I.G. had on its board of directors Charles Mitchell, president of the National City Bank, the Rockefeller bank, Carl Bosch, Paul Warburg, Herman Schmitz and Schmitz' nephew, Max Ilgner.
Although his name is hardly known, Frank Howard was for many years a key figure in Standard Oil operations as director of its research and its international agreements. He also was chairman of the research committee at Sloan Kettering Institute during the 1930s; his appointee at Sloan Kettering, Dusty Rhoads, headed the experimentation in the development of chemotherapy. During the Second World War Rhoads headed the Chemical Warfare Service in Washington at U.S. Army Headquarters. It was Frank Howard who had persuaded both Alfred Sloan and Charles Kettering of General Motors in 1939 to give their fortunes to the Cancer Center, which then took on their names . A member of the wealthy Atherton family, Frank Howard (1891-1964) had married a second time, his second wife being a leading member of the British aristocracy, the Duchess of Leeds. The first Duke of Leeds was titled in 1694, Sir Thomas Osborne, who was one of the key conspirators in the overthrow of King James II and the seizure of the throne of England by William III in 1688. Osborne had made peace with Holland during the reign of King Charles II, and singlehandedly promoted the marriage of Mary, daughter of the Duke of York, to William of Orange in 1677. The Dictionary of National Biography notes that Osborne ``for five years managed the House of Commons by corruption and enriched himself.'' He was impeached by King Charles II for treasonous negotiations with King Louis XIV and imprisoned in the Tower of London from 1678 to 1684. After his release, he again became active in the conspiracy to bring in William of Orange as King of England and secured the crucial province of York for him. William then created him Duke of Leeds. The placing of William on the throne of England made it possible for the conspirators to implement the crucial step in their plans, setting up the Bank of England in 1694. This enabled the Amsterdam bankers to gain control of the wealth of the British Empire. Osborne's biography also notes that he was later accused of Jacobite intrigues and was impeached for receiving a large bribe to procure the charter for the East India Company in 1695, but ``the proceedings were not concluded''. It was further noted that he ``left a large fortune''.
The 11th Duke of Leeds was Minister to Washington from 1931 to 1935, Minister to the Holy See from 1936 to 1947, that is, throughout the Second World War. One branch of the family married into the Delano family, becoming relatives of Franklin Delano Roosevelt . A cousin, Viscount Chandos, was a prominent British official, serving in the War Cabinet under Churchill from 1942 to 1945, later becoming a director of the Rothschild firm, Alliance Assurance, and Imperial Chemical Industries.
Frank Howard was the key official in maintaining relations between Standard Oil and I.G. Farben. He led in the development of synthetic rubber, which was crucial to Germany in the Second World War; he later wrote a book, ``Buna Rubber''. He also was the consultant to the drug firm, Rohm and Haas, representing the Rockefeller connection with that firm. In his later years, he resided in Paris, but continued to maintain his office at 30 Rockefeller Center, New York.
Walter Teagle, the president of Standard Oil, owned 500,000 shares of American I.G., these shares later becoming the basis of the Teagle Foundation. Herman Metz, who was also a director of American I.G., was president of H.A. Metz Company, New York, a drug firm wholly owned by I.G. Farben of Germany. Francis Garvan, who had served as Alien Property Custodian during the First World War, knew many secrets of I.G. Farben's operations. He was prosecuted in 1929 to force him to remain silent. The action was brought by the Department of Justice through Attorney General Merton Lewis, the former counsel for Bosch Company. John Krim, former counsel for the German Embassy in the United States, testified that Senator John King had been on the payroll of the Hamburg American Line for three years at a salary of fifteen thousand dollars a year; he appointed Otto Kahn as treasurer of his election fund. Homer Cummings, who had been Attorney General for six years, then became counsel for General Aniline and Film at a salary of $100,000 a year. During the Second World War, GAF was supposedly owned by a Swiss firm; it came under considerable suspicion as an ``enemy'' concern and was finally taken over by the United States government. John Foster Dulles had been director of GAF from 1927 to 1934; he was also a director of International Nickel, which was part of the network of I.G. Farben firms. Dulles was related to the Rockefeller family through the Avery connection. He was attorney for the organization of a new investment firm, set up by Avery Rockefeller, in 1936 which was called Schröder-Rockefeller Company. It combined operations of the Schröder Bank, Hitler's personal bank and the Rockefeller interests. Baron Kurt von Schröder was one of Hitler's closest confidantes, and a leading officer of the SS. He was head of the Keppler Associates, which funneled money to the SS for leading German Corporations. Keppler was the official in charge of Industrial Fats during Göring's Four Year Plan, which was launched in 1936. American I.G. changed its name to General Aniline and Film during the Second World War, but it was still wholly owned by I.G. Chemie of Switzerland, a subsidiary of I.G. Farben of Germany. It was headed by Gadow, brother-in-law of Herman Schmitz. I.G. Farben's international agreements directly affected the U.S. war effort, because they set limits on U.S. supplies of magnesium, synthetic rubber and, crucial medical supplies. The director of I.G. Farben's dyestuffs division, Baron George von Schnitzler, was related to the powerful von Rath family, the J.H. Stein Bankhaus which held Hitler's account and the von Mallinckrodt family, the founders of the drug firm in the United States. Like other I.G. officials, he had become an enthusiastic supporter of the Hitler regime. I.G. Farben gave four and a half million reichsmarks to the Nazi Party in 1933; by 1945, I.G. had given the Party 40 million reichsmarks, a sum which equaled all contributions by I.G. to all other recipients during that period. One scholar of the Nazi era, Anthony Sutton, has focussed heavily on German supporters of Hitler, while ignoring the crucial role played by the Bank of England and its Governor, Sir Montague Norman, in financing the Nazi regime. Sutton's position on this problem may have been influenced by the fact that he is British. In view of the outspoken statements from Adolf Hitler about Jewish influence in Germany, it would be difficult to explain the role of I.G. Farben in the Nazi era. Peter Hayes' definitive study of I.G. Farben shows that in 1933 it had ten Jews on its governing boards. We have previously pointed out that I.G., from its inception was a Rothschild concern, formulated by the House of Rothschild and implemented through its agents, Max Warburg in Germany and Standard Oil in=20
Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands joined the SS during the early 1930s. He then joined the board of an I.G. subsidiary, Farben Bilder, from which he took the name of his postwar supersecret policy making group, the Bilderbergers. Farben executives played an important role in organizing the Circle of Friends for Heinrich Himmler, although it was initially known as Keppler's Circle of Friends, Keppler being the chairman of an I.G. subsidiary. His nephew, Fritz J. Kranefuss, was the personal assistant to Heinrich Himmler. Of the forty members of the Circle of Friends, which provided ample funds for Himmler, eight were executives of I.G. Farben or of its subsidiaries.
Despite the incredible devastation of most German cities from World War II air bombings, the I.G. Farben building in Frankfort, one of the largest buildings there, miraculously survived intact. A large Rockefeller mansion in Frankfort also was left untouched by the war, despite the saturation bombing. Frankfort was the birthplace of the Rothschild family. It was hardly coincidental that the postwar government of Germany, Allied Military Government, should set up its offices in the magnificent I.G. Farben building. This government was headed by General Lucius Clay, who later became a partner of Lehman Brothers bankers in New York. The Political Division was headed by Robert Murphy, who would preside at the Nüremberg Trials, where he was successful in glossing over the implication of I.G. Farben officials and Baron Kurt von Schröder. Schröder was held a short time in a detention camp and then set free to return to his banking business. The Economic Division was headed by Lewis Douglas, son of the founder of Memorial Cancer center in New York, president of Mutual Life and director of General Motors. Douglas was slated to become U.S. High Commissioner for Germany, but he agreed to step aside in favor of his brother-in-law, John J. McCloy. By an interesting circumstance, Douglas, McCloy and Chancellor Konrad Adenauer of Germany had all married sisters, the daughters of John Zinsser, a partner of J.P. Morgan Company.
As the world's pre-eminent cartel, I.G. Farben and the drug companies which it controlled in the United States through the Rockefeller interests were responsible for many inexplicable developments in the production and distribution of drugs. From 1908 to 1936 I.G. held back its discovery of sulfanilamide, which would become a potent weapon in the medical arsenal. In 1920, I.G. had signed working agreements with the important drug firms of Switzerland, Sandoz and Ciba-Geigy. In 1926, I.G. merged with Dynamit-Nobel, the German branch of the dynamite firm, while an English firm took over the English division. I.G. officials then began to negotiate with Standard Oil officials about the prospective manufacture of synthetic coal, which would present a serious threat to Standard Oil's monopoly. A compromise was reached with the establishment of American I.G., in which both firms would play an active role and share in the profits.
Charles Higham's book, ``Trading with the Enemy,'' offers ample documentation of the Rockefeller activities during the Second World War. While Hitler's bombers were dropping tons of explosives on London, they were paying royalties on every gallon of gasoline they burned to Standard Oil, under existing patent agreements. After World War II, when Queen Elizabeth visited the United States, she stayed in only one private home during her visit, the Kentucky estate of William Irish, of Standard Oil. Nelson Rockefeller moved to Washington after our involvement in World War II, where Roosevelt named him Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs. Apparently his principal task was to coordinate the refueling of German ships in South America from Standard Oil tanks. He also used this office to obtain important South American concessions for his private firm, International Basic Economy Corporation, including a corner on the Colombian coffee market. He promptly upped the price, a move which enabled him to buy seven billion dollars worth of real estate in South America and also gave rise to the stereotype of the ``Yanqui imperialismo''. The attack on Vice President Nixon's automobile when he visited South America was explained by American officials as a direct result of the depredations of the Rockefellers, which caused widespread agitation against Americans in Latin America.
After World War II, twenty-four German executives were prosecuted by the victors, all of them connected with I.G. Farben, including eleven officers of I.G. Eight were acquitted, including Max Ilgner, nephew of Herman Schmitz. Schmitz received the most severe sentence, eight years. Ilgner actually received three years, but the time was credited against his time in jail waiting for trial, and he was immediately released. The Judge was C.G. Shake and the prosecuting attorney was Al Minskoff.
The survival of I.G. Farben was headlined by the Wall Street Journal on May 3, 1988 - GERMANY BEATS WORLD IN CHEMICAL SALES. Reporter Thomas F. O'Boyle listed the world's top five chemical companies in 1987 as 1. BASF $25.8 billion dollars. 2. Bayer $23.6 billion dollars. 3. Hoechst $23.5 billion dollars. 4. ICI $20 billion dollars. 5. DuPont $17 billion dollars in chemical sales only.
The first three companies are the firms resulting from the ``dismantling'' of I.G. Farben from 1945 to 1952 by the Allied Military Government, in a process suspiciously similar to the ``dismantling'' of the Standard Oil empire by court edict in 1911. The total sales computed in dollars of the three spin-offs of I.G. Farben, some $72 billion, dwarfs its nearest rivals, ICI and DuPont, who together amount to about half of the Farben empire's dollar sales in 1987. Hoechst bought Celanese corp. in 1987 for $2.72 billion.
O'Boyle notes that ``The Big Three (Farben spin-offs) still behave like a cartel. Each dominates specific areas; head to head competition is limited. Critics suspect collusion. At the least, there's a cosiness that doesn't exist in the U.S. chemical industry."
After the war, Americans were told they must support an ``altruistic'' plan to rebuild devastated Europe, to be called the Marshall Plan, after Chief of Staff George Marshall, who had been labeled on the floor of the Senate by Senator Joseph McCarthy as ``a living lie''. The Marshall Plan proved to be merely another Rockefeller Plan to loot the American taxpayer. On December 13, 1948, Col. Robert McCormick, editor of the Chicago Tribune, personally denounced Esso's looting of the Marshall Plan in a signed editorial. The Marshall Plan had been rushed through Congress by a powerful and vocal group, headed by Winthrop Aldrich, president of the Chase Manhattan Bank and Nelson Rockefeller's brother-in-law, ably seconded by Nelson Rockefeller and William Clayton, the head of Anderson, Clayton Company. The Marshall Plan proved to be but one of a number of lucrative postwar swindles, which included the Bretton Woods Agreement, United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation and others.
After World War II, the Rockefellers used their war profits to buy a large share of Union Miniere du Haut Katanga, an African copper lode owned by Belgian interest, including the Societe Generale, a Jesuit controlled bank. Soon after their investment, the Rockefellers launched a bold attempt to seize total control of the mines through sponsoring a local revolution, using as their agent the Grangesberg operation. This enterprise had originally been developed by Sir Ernest Cassel, financial advisor to King Edward VII - Cassel's daughter later married Lord Mountbatten, a member of the British royal family, who was also related to the Rothschilds. Grangesberg was now headed by Bo Hammarskjold, whose brother, Dag Hammarskjold was then Secretary General of the United Nations - Bo Hammarskjold became a casualty of the Rockefeller revolution when his plane was shot down during hostilities in the Congo. Various stories have since circulated about who killed him and why he was killed. The Rockefeller intervention in the Congo was carried out by their able lieutenants, Dean Rusk and George Ball of the State Department and by Fowler Hamilton.
In the United States, the Rockefeller interests continue to play the major political role. Old John D. Rockefeller's treasurer at Standard Oil, Charles Pratt, bequeathed his New York mansion to the Council on Foreign Relations as its world headquarters. His grandson, George Pratt Shultz, is now Secretary of State. The Rockefellers also wielded a crucial role through their financing of the Trotskyite Communist group in the United States, the League for Industrial Democracy, whose directors include such staunch ``anti-communists'' as Jeane Kirkpatrick and Sidney Hook. The Rockefellers were also active on the ``right-wing'' front through their sponsorship of the John Birch Society. To enable Robert Welch, a 32nd degree Mason, to devote all of his time to the John Birch Society, Nelson Rockefeller purchased his family firm, the Welch Candy Company, from him at a handsome price. Welch chose the principal officers of the John Birch Society from his acquaintances at the Council On Foreign Relations. For years afterwards, American patriots were puzzled by the consistent inability of the John Birch Society to move forward on any of its well-advertised ``anti-Communist'' goals. The fact that the society had been set up at the behest of the backers of the world Communist revolution may have played some role in this development. Other patriots wondered why most American conservative writers, including the present writer, were steadily blacklisted by the John Birch Society for some thirty years. Despite thousands of requests from would be book buyers, the John Birch Society refused to review or list any of my books. After several decades of futility, the Society was totally discredited by its own record. In a desperate effort to restore its image, William Buckley, the CIA propagandist, launched a ``fierce'' attack against the John Birch Society in the pages of his magazine, the National Review. This free publicity campaign also did little to revive the moribund organization.
The Rockefeller monopoly influence has had its effect on some of New York's largest and wealthiest churches. Trinity Church on Wall Street, whose financial resources had been directed by none other than J.P. Morgan, owns some forty commercial properties in Manhattan and has a stock portfolio of $50 million, which, due to informed investment, actually yields a return of $25 million a year! Only $2.6 million of this income is spent for charitable work. The rector, why receives a salary of $100,000 a year, lives on the fashionable Upper East Side. Trinity's mausoleum sells its spaces at fees starting at $1250 and rising to $20,000 . St. Bartholomew, on Fifth Avenue, has an annual budget of $3.2 million a year of which only $100,000 is spent on charity. Its rector resides in a thirteen room apartment on Park Avenue.
In medicine, the Rockefeller influence remains entrenched in its Medical Monopoly. We have mentioned its control of the cancer industry through the Sloan Kettering Cancer Center. We have listed the directors of the major drug firms, each with its director from Chase Manhattan Bank, the Standard Oil Company or other Rockefeller firms. The American College of Surgeons maintains a monopolistic control of hospitals through the powerful Hospital Survey Committee, with members Winthrop Aldrich and David McAlpine Pyle representing the Rockefeller control.
A medical fraternity known as the ``rich man's club,'' the New York Academy of Medicine, was offered grants for a new building by the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Foundation, its subsidiary group. This ``seed money'' was then used to finance a public campaign which brought in funds to erect a new building. For Director of the new facility, the Rockefellers chose Dr. Lindsly Williams, son-in-law of the managing partner of Kidder, Peabody, a firm strongly affiliated with the J.P. Morgan interests (the J.P. Morgan Company had originally been called the Peabody Company). Williams was married to Grace Kidder Ford. Although Dr. Williams was widely known to be an incompetent physician, his family connections were impeccable. He became a factor in Franklin D. Roosevelt's election campaign when he publicly certified that Roosevelt, a cripple in a wheelchair who suffered from a number of oppressive ailments, was both physically and mentally fit to be the President of United States. Dr. Williams' opinion, published in an article in the widely circulated Collier's Magazine, allayed public doubts about Roosevelt's condition. As a result, Williams was to be offered a newly created post in Roosevelt's cabinet, Secretary of Health. However, it was another thirty years before Health became a cabinet post, due to the politicking of Oscar Ewing.
The Rockefellers had greatly extended their business interests in the impoverished Southern states by establishing the Rockefeller Sanitary Commission. It was headed by Dr. Wickliffe Rose, a longtime Rockefeller henchman whose name appears on the original charter of the Rockefeller Foundation. Despite its philanthropic goals, the Rockefeller Sanitary Commission required financial contributions from each of the eleven Southern states in which it operated, resulting in the creation of State Departments of Health in those states and opening up important new spheres of influence for their Drug Trust. In Tennessee, the Rockefeller representative was a Dr. Olin West, who moved on to Chicago to become the power behind the scenes at the American Medical Association for forty years, as secretary and general manager.
The Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research finally dropped the ``Medical Research'' part of its title; its president, Dr. Detlev Bronk, resided in a $600,000 mansion furnished by this charitable operation. Rockefeller's general Education Board has spent more than $100 million to gain control of the nation's medical schools and turn our physicians to physicians of the allopathic school, dedicated to surgery and the heavy use of drugs. The Board, which had developed from the original Peabody Foundation, also spent some $66 million for Negro education.
One of the most far-reaching consequences of the General Education Board's political philosophy was achieved with a mere six million dollar grant to Columbia University in 1917, to set up the ``progressive'' Lincoln School. From this school descended the national network of progressive educators and social scientists, whose pernicious influence closely paralleled the goals of the Communist Party, another favorite recipient of the Rockefeller millions . From its outset, the Lincoln School was described frankly as a revolutionary school for the primary and secondary schools of the entire United States. It immediately discarded all theories of education which were based on formal and well-established disciplines, that is, the McGuffey Reader type of education which worked by teaching such subjects as Latin and algebra, thus teaching children to think logically about problems. Rockefeller biographer Jules Abel hails the Lincoln School as ``a beacon light in progressive education ''.=20
Rockefeller Institute financial fellowships produced many prominent workers in our atomic programs, such as J. Robert Oppenheimer, who was later removed from government laboratories as a suspected Soviet agent. Although most of his friends and associates were known Soviet agents, this was called ``guilt by association.'' The Rockefeller Foundation created a number of spin-off groups, which now plague the nation with a host of ills, one of them being the Social Science Research Council, which single-handedly spawned the nationwide ``poverty industry,'' a business which expends some $130 billion a year of taxpayer funds while grossing some $6 billion income for its practitioners. The money, which would amply feed and house all of the nation's ``poor,'' is dissipated through a vast administrative network which awards generous concessions to a host of parasitic ``consultants''.
Despite years of research, the present writer has been able to merely scratch the surface of the Rockefeller influences listed here. For instance, the huge Burroughs Wellcome drug firm is wholly owned by the ``charitable'' Wellcome Trust. This trust is directed by Lord Oliver Franks, a key member of the London Connection which maintains the United States as a British Colony. Franks was Ambassador to the United States from 1948 to 1952. He is now a director of the Rockefeller Foundation, as its principal representative in England. He also is a director of the Schröder Bank, which handled Hitler's personal bank account, director of the Rhodes Trust in charge of approving Rhodes scholarships, visiting professor at the University of Chicago and chairman of Lloyd's Bank, one of England's Big Five.
Other Rockefeller Foundation spin-offs include the influential Washington think-tank, the Brookings Institution, the National Bureau of Economic Research, whose findings play a critical role in manipulating the stock market; the Public Administration Clearing House, which indoctrinates the nation's municipal employees ; the Council of State Governments, which controls the nation's state legislatures; and the Institute of Pacific Relations, the most notorious Communist front in the United States. The Rockefellers appeared as directors of this group, funneling money to it through their financial advisor, Lewis Lichtenstein Strauss, of Kuhn, Loeb Company.
The Rockefellers have maintained their controlling interest in the Chase Manhattan Bank, owning five per cent of the stock. Through this one asset they control $42.5 billion worth of assets. Chase Manhattan interlocks closely with the Big Four insurance companies, of which three, Metropolitan, Equitable and New York Life had $113 billion in assets in 1969.
With the advent of the Reagan Administration in 1980, the Rockefeller interests sought to obscure their longtime support of world Communism by bringing to Washington a vocally ``anti-Communist'' administration. Reagan was soon wining and dining Soviet premiers as enthusiastically as had his predecessor Jimmy Carter. The Reagan campaign had been managed by two officials of Bechtel Corporation, its president, George Pratt Schultz, a Standard Oil heir, and his counsel, Casper Weinberger. Shultz was named Secretary of State, Weinberger, Secretary of Defense, Bechtel had been financed by the Schröder-Rockefeller Company, the 1936 alliance between the Schröder Bank and the Rockefeller heirs.
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