-Caveat Lector-

http://www.alternet.org/story.html?StoryID=14492

A Post-War Disaster in Iraq
By Ted Rall, AlterNet
November 7, 2002

"There you go again."
-- Ronald Reagan, 1984

When George W. Bush wanted the Taliban out, he issued an ultimatum: give up
Osama or face the consequences.
Mullah Omar and his grim band of Islamist yahoos were fearsome literalists;
in a now-forgotten last-ditch attempt to keep their jobs, they offered to
turn over bin Laden. But Bush didn't really want bin Laden -- he wanted the
Taliban gone. Days later, bombs began raining on Afghanistan.
Bush's ultimatums are, in fact, merely eviction notices.
A year later Saddam Hussein is sitting through the same "let's make this
look good" ritual. Bush doesn't want arms inspections; he wants Iraq.
Nothing Saddam does or offers to do will make a difference. War was likely
before Election Day, but the Republican sweep makes it inevitable.
Bombs will fall. People will die. We Americans will mostly just care about
the Americans who are killed -- and we won't be upset for very long. And
what happens after the last oil-well fire has been extinguished? We will be
like a dog that finally catches one of those passing cars. What the hell do
we do with it? What will we do with the oil-rich, fractious country full of
Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds once we finally oust Saddam?
The U.S. didn't put much serious advance planning into who would run
post-Taliban Afghanistan (remember King Zahir Shah?). Now we're about to
take over Iraq without having clue one about what kind of government to
install after the war or who will be in charge of it.
In 1998, Congress passed the Iraqi Liberation Act. Under that law, the U.S.
officially recognizes six Iraqi groups as possible alternatives to Saddam
Hussein's Baath regime: two Kurdish militias currently running Iraq's
northern "no-fly zone," the Iraqi National Accord, the Iraqi National
Congress, the Teheran-based Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in
Iraq (SCIRI), and a small Hashemite monarchist group.
Riven by its own turf battles, the Bush administration is unable and
unwilling to declare which -- if any -- of these outfits should rule Iraq
after the coming war. On Oct. 28, The New York Sun, a new conservative daily
newspaper, reported that the administration was considering naming a special
presidential envoy to the Iraqi opposition. But, the Sun wrote, "The matter
has become entangled in the vicious policy struggle between the Pentagon and
the Vice President's office, on the one hand, and the State Department and
the CIA, on the other hand."
The State Department and CIA are the reasonable moderates within the Bush
Administration. They prefer giving UN weapons inspectors a real chance to
avoid war, and deny any connection between Saddam and al Qaeda. (Al Qaeda
operatives are active in Iraq, but in Kurdistan, where Saddam's government
has no control.) They back the Shiite-aligned SCIRI and the Iraqi National
Accord, which tried to depose Saddam in a 1998 coup attempt. The Defense
Department and Dick Cheney, on the other hand, favor a pliant umbrella
organization, the Iraqi National Congress, to manage the locals while the
U.S. pumps out the oil.
"Tensions are so high," reports the Sun, "that ground rules have been
established banning representatives of the State Department from meeting
with representatives of the Iraqi opposition without a representative of the
Defense Department present, and, likewise, banning representatives of the
Defense Department from meeting with the Iraqi opposition without a
representative of the State Department present."
U.S. officials have a hard time presenting a unified policy front even
towards one fiefdom. "Americans agreed that the future Iraqi government
should be an elected government," SCIRI leader Mohammed Baqir al-Hakim said
on Oct. 21. "They also agreed that a military ruler wouldn't work." SCIRI's
main supporter, Secretary of State Colin Powell, however, told the
Associated Press exactly the opposite: "The United States is considering a
model for post-war Iraq that resembles Japan after World War II, when Japan
was occupied by an American-led military government." Another model, Powell
said, is the postwar military occupation of Germany.
For its part the Pentagon is promising to help the Iraqi National Congress
train 10,000 troops for combat against Saddam.
Lost among all the internal squabbling is the real possibility that none of
the six approved groups may prove to be any better than the brutally
autocratic Saddam Hussein. Human Rights Watch accuses both Kurdish militias
of "a wide variety of human rights violations, including the arbitrary
detention of suspected political opponents, torture, and extrajudicial
executions," as well as ethnic cleansing. Kurdish policy towards women is
indistinguishable from that of the Taliban; the Kurds take hard-line Islamic
fundamentalism even further by endorsing the "honor killing" of women who
have sex outside marriage -- even when they have been raped.
The Taliban were bleeding-heart liberals by comparison -- they at least
stoned the rapists to death.
All six of the approved groups subscribe to conservative Islam or
fundamentalist Islamic values. Several endorse the same Sharia law used to
justify stonings and burqas in Afghanistan, and all would curtail the rights
of Iraqi women (who currently enjoy the most freedom among the Arab states).
And only one can be called pro-American. Like Afghanistan's Northern
Alliance, these factions will begin fighting one another as soon as they get
the chance.
"Our objective for the long term in Iraq would be to establish a broad-based
representative and democratic government," said Bush foreign policy adviser
and special envoy to Afghanistan, Zalmay Khalilzad. But most analysts
believe that replacing Saddam with any, some, or all of these groups will
accelerate the balkanization of Iraq and the rise of Islamic fundamentalism
around the world. That is exactly what happened after the U.S. invaded
Afghanistan.
Tell us again ... heck, tell us at least once exactly why we are about to do
this thing.
Ted Rall's latest book, a graphic travelogue about his recent coverage of
the Afghan war titled "To Afghanistan and Back," is now in its second
edition. Ordering and review-copy information are available at nbmpub.com.

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